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Hawaiian
ANTianiTiEs
By
DAVID MAI.O
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HAWAIIAN ANTiaUJTl£S
(1V109L|L0^AWAI!).^ .^,
BY
DAVIC^MALO
Translated from the Hawaiian
BY
DR. N. B. EMERSON
HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS
1898
HONOLULU
HAWAIIAN GAZETTE CO.. Ltd.
1903
MMMKCKHWiUD OF OOMMISSIONEiq
FOR
FOREIGN MiSSiONb UlUUBY
BilTED CHUBCfi BOAIiD JTOH
WCSLD MIHISTfilES LIBBABY
V
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A* •
Go
JSemice pauabi JSiebop
XTbe Aotber of f)awaiUn fn2)u0tria[ £2)ucatioti
f Vebicate tbi« Volume in apprecUtioti of bcr efforts to keep aOve ir
knowU^ac of tbe Hntiqnitics ant /Diestcriet of
f)awaiian f)i0toris
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF DAVID MALO.
It is a commentary on the fleeting character of fame and human
distinction that, even at this short remove from the life of one of
Hawaii's most distinguished sons, it is with no little difficulty that
one can obtain correct data as to the details of his career; it is
also an index of the rapidity with which the plough-share of evo-
lution has obliterated old landmarks.
The materials from which this sketch of David Malo's life is
pieced together have been derived from many sources, both oral
and written, as will be indicated in the course of the narrative.
Malo was the son of Aoao and his wife Heone, and was born
at the seaside town of Keauhou, North Kona, Hawaii, not many
miles distant from the historic bay of Kealakeakua, where Cap-
tain Cook, only a few years before, had come to his death. The
exact year of his birth cannot be fixed, but it was about 1793, the
period of Vancouver's second visit to the islands. It was the time
of a breathing spell in the struggle for military and political su-
premacy over the entire group in which the chief actors were
Kahekili, the old war-horse and veteran of Maui, Kalanikupule,
his son, the weak and ill-fated king of Oahu, and Kamehameha,
the oncoming conqueror of the group.
Aoao, the father, was attached as a follower in some capacity
to the court and armv of Kamehameha and moved west with the
tide of invasion; but I have found no evidence that his travels
took him so far as Oahu, which was the western limit of his
master's operations.
During his early life Malo was connected with the high chief
Kuakini (Governor Adams), who was a brother of Queen Ka-
ahu-manu, and it was during this period specially that he was
placed in an environment the most favorable to forming an inti-
mate acquaintance with the history, traditions, legends and myths
of old Hawaii, as well as with the meles, pules and olis that be-
long to the hula and that form so important and prominent a
feature in the poesy and unwritten literature of Hawaii. But his
attainments in these directions are even more to be ascribed to his
happy endowment with a shrewd and inquiring mind as well as a
tenacious memory, which had to serve in the place of writing and
of all mnemonic tablets. If we may trust the authority of the
writer of a brief sketch of Malo (See The Polynesian of Nov. 5,
1853), i^ was largely from association with one Auwai, a favorite
chief of Kamehameha I, who excelled in knowledge of Hawaiian
lore, including an acquaintance with the genealogies (kuauhau)
of the chiefs, the religious ceremonials under the tabu system, and
the old myths and traditions, that Malo was enabled to acquire
his knowledge of these matters. In ancient Hawaii it was at the
king's court that were gathered the notable bards, poets, and
those in whose minds were stored the traditional lore of the
nation.
Brought up under circumstances well fitted to saturate his mind
with the old forms of thought and feeling, it would be surprising
if he had not at some time given evidence of ability in that form
of composition, the meUj which represents the highest literary at-
tainment of the old regime. Such a production by him we have, —
a threnody celebrating the death of the beloved regent. Queen
Kaahumanu, who died June 5, 1832. It is entitled, He Kanikaii
no Kaahumanu, a poem of real merit that combines in itself a
large measure of the mystery of ancient pagan allusions with a
tincture of such feelings as belong to one newly introduced to the
stand-point of a Christian civilization. (A copy of this poem will
be found in The Friend oi Aug., 1859, together with a translation
by C. J. Lyons.)
Such good use did Malo make of his opportunities that he came
to be universally regarded as the great authority and repository
of Hawaiian lore.
As a natural result of his proficiency in these matters, Malo
came to be in great demand as a raconteur of the old-time tra-
ditions, meleSf and genealogies, as a master in the arrangement of
the hula, as well as of the nobler sports of the Hawaiian arena,
a person of no little importance about court. In after years,
when his mind had been impregnated with the vivifying influ-
ence of the new faith from across the ocean, his affections were
so entirely turned against the whole system, not only of idol-
worship, but all the entertainments of song, dance and sport as
well, that his judgment seems often to be warped, causing him to
confound together the evil and the good, the innocent and the
guilty, the harmless and the depraved in one sweeping condemna-
tion, thus constraining him to put under the ban of his reproba-
tion things which a more enlightened judgment would have tol-
erated or even taken innocent pleasure in, or to cover with the
veil of contemptuous silence matters, which, if preserved, would
now be of inestimable value and interest to the ethnologist, the
historian a)id the scholar.
It is a matter of vain regret from the stand-point
of the student that this should have been the case, and
that there should not have survived in him a greater toleration
for the beauties and sublimities, as well as the darker mysteries,
of that unwritten literature, which the student of to-day finds
dimly shadowed in the cast-off systems of heathendom. But it
is not to be wondered at that David Malo should have been unable
to appreciate at its true value the lore of which he was one of the
few repositories. It could be expected only of a foreign and
broadly cultivated mind to occupy the stand-point necessary to
such an appraisal. The basis of this criticism will be evident to
e^/ery attentive reader of this book.
The attitude of David Main's mind toward the svs-
tem of thought - from which he was delivered^ "the pit
from which he was digged,'' as some would put it,
was, from the circumstances of the case, one of complete alien-
ation not to say intolerance, and gives ground for the generaliza-
tion that it is hopleless to expect a recent convert to occupy a po-
siton of judicial fairness to the system of religion and thought
from which he has been rescued. While this may be reckoned as
a tribute to the depth and sincerity of his nature, it cannot but be
deemed an index of the necessarily somewhat narrow view of the
mystic and the convert. The application of Malo's energies to the
task of setting forth in an orderly manner his knowledge of the
history and antiquities of his people was due to the urgent per-
suasions of his teachers, and shows their broad-minded appre-
ciation of the value of such information.
While still a young man and before leaving Hawaii, Malo was
married to a widow-woman of alii blood, by the name of A'a-lai-oa,
who was much older than himself and said to have been a daugh-
ter of Kahekili, the great king of Maui ; but it seems hardly prob-
8
able that she was so closely related to that distinguished monarch.
The marriage with this woman was in the language of the time
called a ho-ao. This, though not according to Christian rites and
forms, was none the less a regular, honorable and legitimate form
of marriage, according to the ideas and customs of the time. One
may conjecture, however, that in this case the union was one in
which the husband was the chosen rather than the chooser. Such
marriages were not at all uncommon in ancient Hawaii, it being
considered that the woman made up by her wealth and position
what she lacked in physical attractiveness. There was no issue,
and the woman died while Malo was still at Keauhou, on Hawaii.
The date of Malo's removal to Lahaina, Maui, marks an im-
portant epoch in his life ; for it was there he came under the in-
spiring influence and instruction of the Rev. William Richards^
who had settled as a missionary in that place in the year 1823, at
the invitation of the queen-mother, Keopuolani. Under the teach-
ings of this warm-hearted leader of men, to whom he formed an
attachment that lasted through life, he was converted to Christ-
ianity, and on his reception into the church was given the baptis-
mal name of David. There seems to have been in Mr. Richards^
strong and attractive personality just that mental and moral stimu-
lus which Malo needed in order to bring out "his own strengtl^
and develop the best elements of his nature. In the case of one
of such decided strength of character and purpose there could
be no half-way work; in whatever direction the current of will
turned, it flowed as one full and undivided stream.
From his first contact with the new light and knowledge of
Christian civilization, David Malo was fired with an enthusiasm
for the acquisition of all the benefits it had to confer. He made
eflforts to acquire the English language, but met with no great
success: his talents did not lie in that direction; one writer as-
cribes his failure to the rigidity of his vocal organs. His mental
activity, which was naturally of the strenuous sort, under the
influence of his new environment seemed now to be brought to a
white heat.
In his search for information he became an eager reader of
books; every printed thing that was struck off at the newly estab-
lished mission press at Honolulu, or afterwards at Lahaina-luna,
was eagerly sought after and devoured by his hungry and thirstv
soul. He accumulated a library which is said to have included all
the books published in his own language. In taking account of
David Malo's acquirements as well as his mental range and ac-
tivity of thought, it is necessary to remember that the output of
the Hawaiian press in those days, though not productive of the
newspaper, was far richer in works of thought and those of an
educational and informational value than at the present time. It
was pre-eminently the time in the history of the American Protest-
ant Mission to Hawaii when its intellectual force was being di-
rected to the production of a body of literature that should include
not only the textbooks of primary and general education, but
should also give access to a portion of the field of general in-
formation. It was also the time when the scholars of the Mission,
aided by visiting friends from the South, were diligently engaged
in the heavy task of translating the Bible into the Hawaiian ver-
nacular, the completed result of w^hich by itself formed a body of
literature, which for elevation and excellence of style formed a
standard and model of written language worthy to rank with the
best.
On the establishment of the high school at Lahaina-luna in 183 1,
Malo entered as one of the first pupils, being at the time about
thirty-eight years of age, and there he remained for several
years, pursuing the various branches of study with great as-
siduity.
It was while at Lahaina, before entering the school at Lahaina-
luna, that he for the second time entered into marriage; and as
before so on this occasion, it was with a woman of chiefish blood
and older than himself that he formed an alliance ; she was named
Pahia. The marriage ceremony was conducted in accordance
with the Christian forms by his friend and spiritual father, Mr.
Richards. Like his former union, this was non-fruitful ; and after
the death of Pahia, Malo married a young woman of Lahaina
named Lepeka (Rebecca) by whom he became the father of a
daughter, wliom he named A'a-laioa, in memory of his first wife.
To anticipate and bring to a close this part of the narrative, his
union with this young woman proved most disastrous ; her dissi-
lute ways were a constant thorn in the side of her husband, driving
him well nigh to distraction, and ultimately proved the cause of
his death.
10
Having been ordained to the Christian ministry and settled over
a church in the district of Kula, Maui, David Malo made his home
at the forlorn seaside village of Kalepolepo, on the lee of East
Maui, where he continued in the duties of the Christian ministry
and in the pastorate of the little church there located during the
remaining few years of his life. The shame and disgrace of his
wife's conduct told upon him, and at length came to weigh so
heavily on his mind that he could not throw it off. He refused all
food and became reduced to such a state of weakness that his life
was despaired of. The members of his church gathered about
his bedside, and with prayer and entreaties sought to turn him
from his purpose, but without avail. His last request was to be
taken in a canoe to Lahaina, that thus he might be near the site
which he had selected as the resting place of his body, which
he had indicated to be Pa'u-pa'u, on the hill called Mount Ball that
stands back of Lahaina-luna. It would, he had hoped, be above
and secure from the rising tide of foreign invasion, which his
imagination had pictured as destined to overwhelm the whole
land.
His request was fulfilled, and after his death, which took place
October 21, 1853, his body was deposited in a tomb on the sum-
mit of Mt. Ball, where for nearly half a century it has remained
as a beacon to his people.
Lahaina appears to have been the continued place of residence
of David Malo from the time of his first coming thither — on
leaving Keauhou — probably some time in the twenties — till he
went to the final scene of his labors at Kalepolepo, a period that
must have extended over about twenty-five years and included the
most useful activities of his life.
*lt was during the period of Malo's stay at Lahaina that certain
lawless spirits among the sea-rovers collected in that port insti-
tuted attacks on the new order of civilization that was winning its
way, which were directed — most naturally — against its foremost
"'Here Dr. Emerson refers to the outrages perpetrated by lawless sailor j
from the whaleships at Lahaina during the years 1825, 1826 and 1827, and
to the trial of Mr. Richards held at Honolulu in November, 1827, for the
crime of having reported the facts in the United States.
During this trial, David Malo on being consulted by the Queen-
Regent, Kaahumanu, said "In what country is it the practice to condemn
the man who gives true information of crimes committed, and to let the
criminal go uncensured and unpunished?"
See Dibble's History p. 225. W. D. A.
11
representative, Mr. Richards. The result was an investigation, a
trial, it might be termed in which the issue practically resolved
itself into the question whether Mr. Richards was in the right and
to be defended or in the wrong and to be punished. Malo was
present at the conference and it was no doubt largely due to his
native wit and the incisive common sense displayed in his putting
of the question that justice speedily prevailed and the cause of
law and order triumphed.
While at Lahaina David Malo also occupied for a time the po-
sition of school-agent, a post of some responsibility and in which
one could usefully exercise an unlimited amount of common
sense and business tact ; there also was the chief scene of his labors
for the preservation in literary form of the history and antiquities
of his people.
To confine one's self to that division of David Malo's life-work
which is to be classed as literary and historical, the contributions
made by him to our knowledge of the ancient history and antiqui-
ties of the Hawaiian Islands may be embraced under three heads :
First, a small book entitled "Moolelo Hawaii," compiled by Rev.
Mr. Pogue from materials largely furnished by the scholars of the
Lahaina-luna Seminary. (The reasons for crediting Malo with
having lent his hand in this work are to be found in the general
similiarity of style and manner of treatment of the historical part
of this book with the one next to be mentioned ; and still more
conclusive evidence is to be seen in the absolute identity of the
language in many passages of the two books. ) Second, the work,
a translation of which is here presented, which is also entitled
Moolelo Hawaii, though it contains many things which do not
properly belong to history. The historical part brings us down
only to the times of Umi, the son of Liloa. There was also a third,
a History of Kamehameha, a work specially undertaken at the
request of the learned historian and lexicographer. Rev. Lorrin
Andrews, and completed by David Malo after a year's applica-
tion, during which he made an extended visit to the island of
Hawaii for the purpose of consulting the living authorities who
were the repositories of the facts or eye-witnesses of the events
to be recorded. This book was side-tracked very soon after its
completion — even before reaching the hands of Mr. Andrews —
and spirited away, since which time it has been hidden from the
public eye.
12
David Malo was a man of strong character, deep and earnest
in his convictions, capable of precipitate and violent prejudices,
inclining to be austere and at times passionate in temper, yet kind
and loving withal, with a gift of pleasantry and having at bottom
a warmth of heart which not only made friends but held him fast
to friendships once formed. Though nurtured in the supersti-
tious faith and cult of old Hawaii, and though a man of tenacious
opinions, when the light reached him, the old errors were dissi-
pated with the darkness, as clouds are dissolved by the rising
sun, and his whole intellectual and moral nature felt the stimulus
and burst forth with a new growth. Judging from frequent ref-
erences to such matters in his writings, there must have existed
to a more than usual degree in Malo's nature and spiritual make-
up that special hunger and thirst which was to be met and more
or less assuaged by what was contained in the message of Chris-
tian civilization from across the water. So great was the ardor of
his quest after knowledge that it is said to have been his custom
to catechize the members of his family not only on points of doc-
trine and belief, but along the lines of general information, on-
such points as were of interest to himself: the whale, the lion, the-
zebra, the elephant, the first man, the wind, the weather, the geog-
raphy of the world — these were some of the topics on which he
quizzed the young men and women, as well as the older ones, who
gathered in his family. There was room for no educational
laggards under his roof.
Malo was one of that class to whom the prophetic vision of the
oncoming tide of invasion — peaceful thought it was to be — that
was destined to overflow his native land and supplant in a measure
its indigenous population, was acutely painful and not to be con-
templated with any degree of philosophic calm ; and this in spite
of the fact that he fully recognized the immense physical, moral
and intellectual benefits that had accrued and were still further to
accnie to him and his people from the coming of the white man
to his shores. And this sentiment, which was like a division of
councils in his nature, controlled many of his actions during his
life, and decided the place of his burial after death.
David Malo was not only a man of industry, but was able so
to shape his enterprises as to make them serve as guides and
incentives to a people who stood greatly in need of such leading.
At a time when a movement was on foot looking to the industrial
13
•development of the resources of the islands, he entered heartily into
the notion — it could not be called a scheme — and endeavored to
illustrate it by his own efforts, to such an extent that he went
into the planting of cotton — on a small scale, of course — pur-
chased a loom and had the fibre spun and woven by the members
of his own family under the direction of Mrs. Richards and Miss
Ogden. Afterwards, when walking about arrayed in a suit of his
own homespun, on being asked where he had obtained the fabric
— it was not of the finest — with beaming satisfaction he pointed
to the earth as the source of its origin. At the time also when
the sugar industry- was yet in its earliest infancy in this country,
he turned his hand in that direction also, and so far succeeded as
to produce an excellent syrup from sugar cane of his own
raising.
In the "Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition,"
by Charles Wilkes, U. S. X., while commenting upon observa-
tions made during the year 1840, Admiral Wilkes, apropos of the
book-making work under the care of the American missionaries
and the writers of the various publications, says, ''Some of them
are by native authors. Of these I cannot pass at least one with-
out namjng him. This is David Malo, who is highly esteemed
by all who know him, and who lends the missionaries his aid,
in mind as well as example, in ameliorating the condition of his
people and checking licentiousness. At the same time he sets
an example of industry, by farming with his own hands, and man-
ufactures from his own sugar cane an excellent molasses.'*
In physique Malo was tall and of spare frame, active, energetic,
a good man of business, eloquent of speech, independent in his
utterances. He was of a type of mind inclined to be jealous and
quick to resent any seeming slight in the way of disparagement or
injustice that might be shown to his people or nation, and was
one who held tenaciously to the doctrine of national integrity and
independence.
The real value of David Malo's contributions to the v/ritten his-
tory and antiquities of ancient Hawaii is something that must
be left for appraisal to the historian, the critic and student of Ha-
waiian aflFairs. The lapse of years will no doubt sensibly appre-
ciate this valuation, as well as the regret, which many even at the
present tmi€ feel most keenly, that more was not saved from the
14
f oundering^ bark of ancient Hawaii. If the student has to mourn
the loss of bag and baggage, he may at least congratulate him-
self on the saving of a portion of the scrip and scrippage — half a
loaf is better than no bread.
The result of Malo's labors would no doubt have been much
more satisfactory if they had been performed under the imme-
diate supervision and guidance of some mentor capable of looking
at the subject from a broad standpoint, ready with wise sugges-
tion; inviting the extension of his labors to greater length and
specificness, with greater abundance of detail along certain lines,
perhaps calling for the answer to certain questions that now re-
main unanswered.
As a writer David Malo was handicapped not only by the char-
acter and limitations of the language which was his organ of liter-
ary expression, but also by the rawness of his experience in the
use of the pen. It was only about half a score of years before
he broke ground as a literary man that scholars, with serious
intent, had taken in hand his mother tongue and, after giving it
such symbols of written expression as were deemed suitable to its
needs, clothing its literary nakedness with a garb, which in homely
simplicity and utility might be compared to the national holoku —
the gift of the white woman to her Polynesian sister — and then,
having sought out and culled from many sources the idioms and
expressions that were pertinent and harmonious to the purpose,
had grappled the difficult undertaking of translating the Christian
Bible into the Hawaiian language. The result of these scholarly
labors was indeed a book, which in fitness, dignity and sublimity
of expression might ofttimes be an inspiration to one whose
mother tongue is none other than the Anglo-Saxon speech. But
this work was not fully completed until 1839, ^^ which time Malo
must have been several years at his labors ; and though its efTect
is clearly discernible in the form in which he has cast his thought,
yet it would be too much to expect that its influence should have
availed to form in him a style representing the best power and
range of the language; certainly not to heal the infirmities and
make amends for the evolutionary weaknesses of the Hawaiian
speech.
N. B. EMERSOX.
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR
I do not suppose the following history to be free from mistakes,
in that the material for it has come from oral traditions; con-
sequently it is marred by errors of human judgment and does
not approach the accuracy of the word of God.
INTRODUCTION
The trustees of the Bernice Pauahi Museum, by publishhig
Dr. N. B. Emerson's translation of David Malo's Hawaiian
Antiquities, are rendering an important service to all Polynesian
EIRRATA-
On page 48, Chapter X, Sect. 4, beginning with the second word of the
second line, read: "and outside of the kua-au was a belt called kai-au, ho-
au, kai-o-kilo-hee, that is, swimming deep or sea for spearing squid, or
kai-hee-nalu^ that is, a surf-swimming region. Another name still for
this belt was kai kohola.^"
On page 68, section 12, first line for "pi-u" read : "pi-a, in Hillebrand's
Flora of the Hawaiian Islands called piia," etc.
On page 103, section 12, for the 4th line read: "go about eating from
place to place (pakela ai)y to be a shift."
On page 152, section 17, first line, after the word "people," insert the
word "oio"
contains materials of great value for the "noblest study of man-
kind." Its value is very much enhanced by the learned notes and
appendices with which Dr. Emerson has enriched it.
INTRODUCTION
The trustees of the Bernice Pauahi Museum, by publishing
Dr. N. B. Emerson's translation of David Malo's Hawaiian
Antiquities, are rendering an important service to all Polynesian
scholars.
It will form a valuable contribution not only to Hawaiian
archaeology, but also to Polynesian ethnology in general.
It is extremely difficult at this late day to obtain any reliable
information in regard to the primitive condition of any brano'i
of the Polynesian race. It rarely happens in any part of the
world that an alien can succeed in winning the confidence and
gaining an insight into the actual thoughts and feelings of a
people separated from himself by profound differences of race,
environment and education. But here another difficulty arises
from the rapidity of the changes which are taking place through-
out the Pacific Ocean, and from the inevitable mingling of old
and new, which discredits much of the testimony of natives born
and educated under the new regime.
In the following work, however, we have the testimony of
one who was born and grew up to manhood under the tabu systen;,
who had himself been a devout worshipper of the old gods, who
had been brought up at the royal court, and who was considered
by his countrymen as an authority on the subjects on which he
afterwards wrote.
His statements are confirmed in many particulars by those
of John li of Kekuanaoa, of the elder Kamakau of Kaawaloa, and
of the historian, S. M. Kamakau, the latter of whom, however,
did not always keep his versions of the ancient traditions free
from foreign admixture.
Although David Malo evidently needed judicious advice as to
his choice and treatment of subjects, some important topics hav-
ing been omitted, and although his work is unfinished, yet it
contains materials of great value for the "noblest study of man-
kind.'' Its value is very much enhanced by the learned notes and
appendices with which Dr. Emerson has enriched it.
18
The following statement may serve to clear away some mis-
apprehensions. The first "Moolelo Hawaii'' (i c, Hawaiian
History), was written at Lahainaluna about 1835-36 by some
of the older students, among whom was David Malo, then
42 years of age. They formed what may be called the first
Hawaiian Historical Society. The work was revised by Rev.
Sheldon Dibble, and was published at Lahainaluna in 1838. A
translation of it into English by Rev. R. Tinker was published
in the Hawaiian Spectator in 1839. It has also been translated
into French by M. Jules Remy, and was published in Paris in
1862.
The second edition of the Moolelo Hawaii, which appeared
in 1858, was compiled by Rev. J. F. Pogue, who added to the
first edition extensive extracts from the manuscript of the present
work, which was then the property of Rev. Lorrin Andrews, for
whom it had been written, probably about 1840.
David Malo's Life of Kamehameha I, which is mentioned by
Dr. Emerson in his life of Malo, must have been written before
that time, as it passed through the hands of Rev. W. Richards
and of Nahienaena, who died December 30, 1836. Its disap-
pearance is much to be deplored.
W. D. ALEXANDER.
HaWaiiaiv |\i\tiqaities
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL REMARKS ON HAWAIIAN HISTORY.
1. The traditions about the Hawaiian Islands handed down
from remote antiquity are not entirely definite; there is much
obscurity as to the facts, and the traditions themselves are not
clear. Some of the matters reported are clear and intelligible,^
but the larger part are vague.
2. The reason for this obscurity and vagueness is that the
ancients were not possessed of the art of letters, and thus were
unable to record the events they witnessed, the traditions handed
down to them from their forefathers and the names of the lands
in which their ancestors were born. They do, however, mention
by name the lands in which they sojourned, but not the towns an J
the rivers. Because of the lack of a record of these matters it
is impossible at the present time to make them out clearly.
3. The ancients left no records of the lands of their birth, of
what people drove theni out, who were their guides and leaders,
of the canoes that transported them, what lands they visited in
their wanderings, and what gods they worshipped. Certain oral
traditions do, however, give us the names of the idols of our
ancestors.
4. Memory was the only means possessed by our ancestors
of preserving historical knowledge; it served them in place of
books and chronicles.
5. No doubt this fact explains the vagueness and uncertainty
of the more ancient traditions, of which some are handed down
correctly, but the great mass incorrectly. It is likely there is
greater accuracy and less error in the traditions of a later date.
6. Faults of memory in part explain the contradictions that
appear in the ancient traditions, for we know by experience that
"the heart* is the most deceitful of all things."
20
7. When traditions are carried in the memory it leads to con-
tradictory versions. One set think the way they heard the story
is the true version; another set think theirs is the truth; a third
set very likely purposely falsify. Thus it comes to pass that the
traditions are split up and made worthless.
8. The same cause no doubt produced contradictions in the
genealogies (moo-ktiauhau) . The initial ancestor in one gene-
alogy differed from that in another, the advocate of each gene-
alogy claim.ing his own version to be the correct one. This cause
also operated in the same way in producing contradictions in
the historical traditions ; one party received the tradition in one
M'ay, another party received it in another way.
9. In regard to the worship of the gods, different people had
different gods, and both the worship and the articles tabued
differed the one from the other. Each man did what seemed to
him right, thus causing disagreement and confusion.
10. The genealogies have many separate lines, each one dif-
ferent from the other, but running into each other. Some of the
genealogies begin with Knmu-Hpo'^ as the initial point; others
with PaH'ku\' others with Lolo\' still others with Pu-anue\' and
others with Ka-po-hihi.^ This is not like the genealogy from
Adam, which is one unbroken line without any stems.
11. There are, however, three genealogies that are greatly
thought of as indicating the Hawaiian people as well as their kings,
These are KAumi-lipo, Pali-ku, and Lolo. And it would seem
as if the Tahitians and Nuuhivans had perhaps the same origin,
for their genealogies agree with these.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I.
(^Naau, literally bowels, is the word used for heart or moral nature.
To commit to memory was hoopaa itaau.)
(i) Sect. 10. Kumu-lipo, origin in darkness, chaos. Ripo-ripo is
a Polynesian word meaning vortex, abyss. In Hawaiian, with a change
of the Maori and Tahitian r to I, it was applied to the blackness of the
•deep sea. Origin by Kumu-lipo may by a little stretch of imagination be
regarded as implying the nebular hypothesis.
(2) Sect. 10. Pali-ku meant literally vertical precipice. There is
in the phrase a tacit allusion to a riving of the mountains by earthquake —
cataclysmal theory of cosmogony. "Pali-ku na mauna'' is an expression
-.used in a pule.
21
(3) Sect. 10. Lolo, brains in modern Hawaiian parlance; more an-
ciently perhaps it meant the oily meat of the cocoanut prepared for malt-
ing scented oil. (See Maori Comp. Diet., Tregear.)
I have taken the liberty to omit the article o, which Mr. Malo had
mistakenly incorporated with the word, thus leaving only the bare sub-
stantive.
(4) Sect. 10. Pu-anue; Mr. S. Percy Smith kindly suggests, Pu,
stem, root, origin. Anue, the rainbow. Cf. Samoan account of the
origin of mankind from the Fue-sa, or sacred vine, which developed
worms (iloilo), from which came mankind.
(5) Sect. 10. Ka-pO'hihi: The branching out or darting forth of
pOy i. e.y night or chaos. Po was one of the cosmic formative forces of
Polynesia. Hihi: to branch forth or spread out, as a growing vine^
Po'hi-hi-hi means obscure, puzzling, mysterious. In Maori, Tahitian and
Marquesan hihi means a sunbeam, a ray of the sun. N. B. The cosmo-^
goiiy of Southern Polynesia also included Kore, void or nothingness, as
one of the primal cosmic forces. (See Kore, Maori Comp. Diet., Tregear.)
CHAPTER II.
FORMATION OF THE LAND.
{Cosmogony.)
1. It is very surprising to hear how contradictory are the
accounts given by the ancients of the origin of the land here
in Hawaii.
2. It is in their genealogies (moo-ku-anhati) that we shall
see the disagreement of their ideas in this regard.
3. In the moo-ktiauhaii, or genealogy named Pu-anue, it is
said that the earth and the heavens were begotten (hanau maoli
mai.)
4. It was Knnuikumn-ke-kaa who gave birth to them, her
husband being Paia-a-ka-lani. Another genealogy declares that
Ka-niai-eli gave birth to the foundations of the earth {mole ka
honua), the father being Kumu-honua.
5. In the genealogy of Wakea it is said that Papa gave birth
to these Islands. Another account has it that this group of
islands were not begotten, but really made by the hands of Wakea
himself.
22
6. We now perceive their error. If the women in that an-
cient time gave birth to countries then indeed would they do so
in these days ; and if at that time they were made by the hands
of IVakeCy doubtless the same thing would be done now.
7. In the genealogy called Kuinu-lipo it is said that the land
grew up of itself, not that it was begotten, nor that it was made
by hand.
8. Perhaps this is the true account and these Hawaiian islands
did grow up of themselves, and after that human beings ap-
peared on them. Perhaps this is the best solution of the mis-
taken views held by the ancients; who knows?
9. In these days certain learned men have searched into and
studied up the origin of the Hawaiian Islands, but whether their
views are correct no one can say, because they are but specu-
lations.
10. These scientists from other lands have advanced a theory
and expressed the opinion that there was probably no land here
in ancient times, only ocean ; and they think tnat the Islands rose
up out of the ocean as a result of volcanic action.
II Their reasons for this opinion are that certain islands are
known which have risen up out of the ocean and which present
features similar to Hawaii nei. Again a sure indication is that
the soil of these Islands is wholly volcanic. All the islands of this
ocean are volcanic, and the rocks, unlike those of the continents,
have been melted in fire. Such are their speculations and their
reasoning.
12. The rocks of this country are entirely of volcanic origin.
Most of the volcanoes are now extinct, but in past ages there were
volcanoes on Maui and on all the Islands. For this reason it is
believed that these Islands were thrown up from beneath the
ocean. This view may not be entirely correct; it is only a spec-
ulation.
13. It is possible, however, that there has always been land
here from the beginning, but we cannot be sure because the tra-
ditions of the ancients are utterly unreliable and astray in their
vagaries.
NOTE TO CHAPTER II.
(i) Sect. 4. Paia-a-ka-lani: Paia was a Maori goddess, daughter of
Rangi and Papa, sister of Tane, Tu, Tanga-loa and Kongo,
23
CHAPTER III.
THE ORIGIN OF TRK PRIMITIVE INHABITANTS OF HAWAII NEI.
1. In Hawaiian ancestral genealogies it is said that the earliest
inhabitants of these Islands were the progenitors of all the Ha-
waiian people.
2. In the genealogy called Kumu-lipo it is said that the first
human being was a woman named La'ila'i and that her ancestors
and parents were of the night (he po wale no), that she was the
progenitor of the (Hawaiian) race.
3. The husband of this La'ila'i was named Ke-alii-zvahi-lani
(the king who opens heaven) ; but it is not stated who were the
parents of Ke-alii-wahi-lani, only that he was from the
heavens; that he looked down and beheld a beautiful woman,
La'ila'i, dwelling in Lalawaia; that he came down and took her to
wife, and from the union of these two was begotten one of the an-
cestors of this race.
4. And after La'ila'i and her company it is again stated in the
genealogy called Lolo that the first native Hawaiian (kanaka)
was a man named Kahiko. His ancestry and parentage are given,
but without defining their character; it is only said he was a
human being (kanaka).
5. Kupulanakehati was the name of Kahiko's wife ; they begot
Lihauula and Wakea. Wakea had a wife named Hattmea, who
was the same as Papa. In the genealogy called Pali-ku it is said
that the parents and ancestors of ^aumea the wife of Wakea
were pali, i. e., precipices. With her the race of men was definitely
established.
6. These are the only people spoken of in the Hawaiian gen-
ealogies; they are therefore presumably the earliest progenitors
of the Hawaiian race. It is not stated that they were born here
in Hawaii. Probably all of these persons named were born in
foreign lands, while their genealogies were preserved here in
Hawaii.
7. One reason for thinking so is that the countries where
these people lived are given by name and no places in Hawaii are
called by the same names. La'ila'i and Ke-alii-wahi-lani lived in
Laiowaia; Kahiko and Kupu-lana-ke-hau lived in Kamawae-lua-
lani: Wakea and Papa lived in Lolo-i-mehaniA
24
8. There is another fact mentioned in the genealogies, to-^vit :
that when Wakea and Papa were divorced from each other.
Papa went away and dwelt in Ntiu-meha-laniJ^ There is no place
here in Hawaii called Nuu-meha-lani. The probability is that
these names belong to some foreign country.
NOTES TO CHAPTER III.
(i) Sect. 7. Lolo-i-ntehani : Te Mehani in Raiatea was the Tahitian
Hades.
(2) Sect. 8. Nuu-meha-lani \ undoubtedly the same as Nuu-mea-lani.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE GENERATIONS DESCENDED FROM WAKEA.
1. It is said that from Wakea down to the death of Haumca
there were six generations, and that these generations all lived
in Lolo-i-mehani ; but it is not stated that they lived in any other
place; nor is it stated that they came here to Hawaii to live.
2. Following these six generations of men came nineteen
generations, one of which, it is supposed, migrated hither and
lived here in Hawaii, because it is stated that a man named
Kapawa, of the twentieth generation, was born in Kukaniloko, in
Waialua, on Oahu.
3. It is clearly established that from Kapawa down to the
present time generations of men continued to be born here in
Hawaii ; but it is not stated that people came to this country from
Lolo-i-mehani ; nor is it stated who they were that first came and
settled here in Hawaii ; nor that they came in canoes, waa; nor at
what time they arrived here in Hawaii.
4. It is thought that this people came from lands near Tahiti
and from Tahiti itself, because the ancient Hawaiians at an early
date mentioned the name of Tahiti in their meles, prayers, and
legends.
5. I will mention some of the geographical names given in
meles: Kahiki-honua-kele,^ Anana-i-malu,'^ Holani,^ Hawa-ii,
Ntm-hiwa; in legends or kaaos, Upolu, Wawau, Kukapuaiku,
Kuaihelani; in prayers, Ulmli, Melemele^ Polapola, Haehac,
MaokuululUy Hanakalauai.
/
25
6. Perhaps these names belong to lands in Tahiti. Where,
indeed, are they? Very likely our ancestors sojourned in these
lands before they came hither to Hawaii.
7. Perhaps because of their affection for Tahiti and Hawaii
they applied the name Kahiki— nui to a district of Maui, and
named this group (pae-aina) Hawaii. If not that, possibly the
names of the first men to settle on these shores were Hawaii,
Maui, Oahu, Kauai, and at their death the islands were called
by their names.
8. The following is one way by which knowledge regarding
Tahiti actually did reach these shores: We are informed (by
historical tradition) that two men named Paao and Makua-
kaumana, with a company of others, voyaged hither, observing
the stars as a compass ; and that Paao remained in Kohala, while
Makua-kaumana returned to Tahiti.
9. Paao arrived at Hawaii during the reign of Lc^o-ka-wai,^
the king of Hawaii. He (Lono-ka-wai) was the sixteenth in that
line of kings, succeeding Kapawa.
10. Paao continued to live in Kohala until the kings of Hawaii
became degraded and corrupted (hewa) ; then he sailed away
to Tahiti to fetch a king from thence. Pili^ (Kaaiea) was that
king and he became one in Hawaii's line of kings (papa alii).
11. It is thought that Kapua in Kona was the point of Paao's
departure, whence he sailed away in his canoe ; but it is not stated
what kind of a canoe it was. In his voyage to Hawaii, Pili was
accompanied by Paao and Makua-kaumana and others. The
canoes (probably two coupled together as a double canoe — Trans-
lator) were named Ka-nalo-a-mn-ia. We have no information
as to whether these canoes were of the kind called Pahi.
12. Tradition has it that on his voyage to this country Pili
was accompanied by two schools of fish, one of opehi and another
of aku, and when the wind kicked up a sea, the aku would
frisk and the opelu would assemble together, as a result of which
the ocean would entirely calm down. In this way Pili and his
company were enabled to voyage till they reached Hawaii. On
this account the opelu and the aku were subject to a tabu in
ancient times. After his arrival at Hawaii, Pili was established
26
as king over the land, and his name was one of the ancestors in
Hawaii's line of kings.
13. There is also a tradition of a man named Moikeha, who
came to this country from Tahiti in the reign of Kalapana, king
of Hawaii.
14. After his arrival Moikeha went to Kauai to live and took
to wife a woman of that island named Hinauulua, by whom he
had a son, to whom he gave the name Kila.
15. When Kila was grown up he in turn sailed on an expe-
dition to Tahiti, taking his departure, it is said, from the west-
ern point of Kahoolawe, for which reason that cape is to this day
called Ke-ala-i-kahiki (the route to Tahiti),
16. Kila arrived in safety at Tahiti and on his return
to these shores brought back with him Laa-mai-kahikiJ On the
arrival of Laa was introduced the use of the kaekeeke* drum.
An impetus was given at the same time to the use of sinnet in
canoe lashing (aha hoa waa)y together with improvements in the
plaited ornamental knots or lashings, called lanalana* The names
I have mentioned are to be numbered among the ancestors of
Hawaiian kings and people, and such was the knowledge and
information obtained from Tahiti in ancient times, and by such
means as I have described was it received.
17. The Hawaiians are thought to be of one race with the
people of Tahiti and the Islands adjacent to it. The reason for
this belief is that the people closely resemble each other in their
physical features, language, genealogies, traditions (and leg-
ends), as well as in (the names of) their deities. It is thought
that very likely they came to Hawaii in small detachments.
19. It seems probable that this was the case from the fact
that in Tahiti they have large canoes called pahi; and it seems
likely that its possession enabled them to make their long voyages
to Hawaii. The ancients are said to have been skilled also in
observing the stars, which served them as a mariner's compass
in directing their course.
20. The very earliest and most primitive canoes of the Ha-
waiians were not termed pahiy nor yet were they called moku
(ships) ; the ancients called them waa.
27
21. It has been said, hov/ever, that this race of people came
from the lewa^"" the firmament, the atmosphere ; from the wind-
ward or back of the island {kua o ka moku).
22. The meaning of these expressions is that they came from
a foreign land, that is the region of air, and the front of that land
is at the back of these islands.
23. Perhaps this was a people forced to flee hither by war,
or driven in this direction by bad winds and storms. Perhaps by
the expression lewa, or regions of air, Asia is referred to ; perhaps
this expression refers to islands they visited on their way hither;
so that on their arrival they declared they came from the back
(the windward) of these islands.
24. Perhaps this race of people was derived from the Israel-
ites, because we know that certain customs of the Israelites were
practiced here in Hawaii.
25. Circumcision, places of refuge, tabus (and ceremonies of
purification) relating to dead bodies and their burial, tabus and
restrictions pertaining to a flowing woman, and the tabu that
secluded a woman as defiled during the seven days after child-
birth — all these customs were formerly practiced by the people
of Hawaii.
26. Perhaps these people are those spoken of in the Word of
God as "the lost sheep of the House of Israel,*' because on in-
spection we clearly see that the people of Asia are just like the
inhabitants of these islands, of Tahiti and the lands adjacent.
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV.
(i) Sect. 5. Kahiki-honua-kele : In Hawaiian the root kele is part
of the word kele-kele meaning muddy, miry, or fat, greasy. In Tonga
the meaning also is muddy. It is a word applied to the soil.
(2) Sect. 5. Anana-i-malu: Mr. S. P. Smith suggests that Anana is
the same as ngangana, an ancient name for some part of Hawa-iki raro,
or the Fiji and Samoan groups.
(3) Sect. 5. Holani: It is suggested that this is the same as Herangi,
the Maori name for a place believed to be in Malaysia.
(4). According to the ULU GENEALOGY, given by Fornander,
**The Polynesian Race," Vol. I, p. 191, Lana-ka-wai is the seventeenth
name after Hcle-i-pawa. It seems probable, as implied by Fornander,
loc. cit. Vol. II, p. 21, that Hele-i-pawa and Ka-pawa were the same per-
son; also that Lana-ka-wai is an erroneous orthography for Lono-ka-
28
wai. Granting these emendations, the problem of reconciling the tangled
skein of Hawaiian genealogies is made a little easier.)
(5) Sect. 10. Pili (Kaaiea) : Pili is an ancient Samoan name.
{6) Pahi is the Tahitianor Paumotuan for boat, ship, or canoe. In
Mangarevan pahi means ship.)
(7.) Laa v/as a son of Moikeha who had remained in Tahiti.
(8.) The ha^kceke was a carved, hollow log, covered with shark-
skin at one end and used as a drum to accompany the hula.)
(9.) Lanalana is the name applied to the lashing that bound the ania
or float to the curved cross-pieces of the canoe's outrigger. These lash-
ings were often highly ornamental. One of them was called pa'u-o-luukia,.
a very decorative affair, said to have been so styled from the corset, or
woven contrivance, by which Moikeha' s paramour, the beautiful Luukia,
defended herself against the assaults of her lover, when she had become
alienated from him. Aha is used substantively to mean sinnet, or the
lashing of a canoe made from sinnet, Lanalana is not used substantively
to mean smnet.
UO.) According to Wm. Wyatt Gill the Mangaians represent all ships
as breaking through from the sky. This expression is in strict accordance
with the cosmogony of the time, that the earth was a plain, the sky a
dome, and the horizon a solid wall — kukulu — on which the heavens
rested.
CHAPTER V.
NAMES GIVEN TO DIRECTIONS OR THE POINTS OF THE COMPASS.
I The ancients named directions or the points of the compass
from the course of the sun. The point where the sun rose was
called kukulu ' hikina, and where the sun set was called kukulu
komohana.
2. If a man faces towards the sunset his left hand will point
to the south, kukulu hema, his right to the north kukulu akau^
These names apply only to the heavens (lani), not^ to the land or
is\2ind (mo kupuni) .
3. These points were named differently when regard was had
to the borders or coasts (aoao) of an island. If a man lived on
the western side of an island the direction of sun-rising was termed
uka, and the direction of sun-setting kai, so termed because he had
to ascend a height in going inland, uka, and descend to a lower
level in going to the sea, kai.^
29
4- Again, north, kukulu akau, is also spoken of as luna, or
i-luna, up and south is spoken of as lalo. clown, the reason being
that that quarter of the heavens, north, when the (prevailing)
wind blows is spoken of as up, and the southern quarter, towards
which it blows, is spoken of as down.
5. As to the heavens, they are called the solid above, ka paa
ihina,^ the parts attached to the earth are termed ka paa Halo, the
solid below ; the space between the heavens and the earth is some-
times termd ka leziHi, the space in which things hang or swing.
Another name is ka hookui, ^ the point of juncture, and another
still is ka halawai,^ i. e., the meeting.
6. To a man living on the coast of an island the names applied
to the points of compass, or direction, varied according to the side
of the island on which he lived.
7. If he lived on the eastern side of the island he spoke of the
west as ilka, the east as kai. This was when he lived on the side
looking east. For the same reason he would term South akati, be-
cause his right hand pointed in that direction, and north he would
term hema^ i. e., left, because his left hand pointed that way.
9. In the same way by one living on the southern exposure of
an island, facing squarely to the south, the east would be called
Jiema, left, akau, the west.
10. So also to one living on the northern face of an island the
names applied to the points of compass are correspondingly all
changed about.
11. Here is another style of naming the east : from the coming
of the sun it is called the sun arrived, ka-la-hiki, and the place of
the sun's setting is called ka-la-kati, the sun lodged. Accordingly
they had the expression mai ka la hiki a ka la kau from the sun
arrived to the sun lodged ; or they said mai kela paa a keia paai^
from that solid to this solid.
12. These terms applied only to the borders, or coasts, of an
island, not to the points of the heavens, for it was a saying "O Ha-
waii ka la hiki, o Kauai ka la kau," Hawaii is the sun arrived,
Kauai is the sun lodged. The north of the islands was spoken
•of as "that solid/' kela paa, and the south of the group as "this
solid," keia paa. It was in this sense they used the expression
""from that firmament — or solid — to this firmament."
30
13- According to another way of speaking of directions
(kukulu), the circle of the horizon encompassing the earth at the
borders of the ocean, where the sea meets the base of the heavens,
kumu laniy this circle was termed kukiilu o ka honua, the compass
of the earth.
14. The border of the sky where it meets the ocean-horizon is
termed the kukulu-o-ka-lani, the walls of heaven.
15. The circle or zone of the earth's surface, whether sea or
land, which the eye traverses in looking to the horizon is called
Kahikimoe.
16. The circle of the sky which bends upwards from the hor-
izon is Kahiki-kii ; above Kahiki-ku is a zone called Kahiki-ke-
papa-nuu; and above that is Kahiki-ke-papa-lani ; and directly over
head is Kahiki-kapni-holani-kc-kuina.
17. The space directly beneath the heavens is called lezca-lani ;
beneath that, where the birds fly, is called lewa-nuu; beneath that
is lewa-lani-lezva; and beneath that, the space in which a man's
body would swing were he suspended from a tree, with his feet
clear of the earth, was termed leiva-hoomakHa. Bv such a termi-
nology as this did the ancients designate direction.
(i) Sect. I. Kuknlu was a wall or vertical erection, such as was
supposed to stand at the limits of the horizon and support the dome of
heaven, rlikina is the contracted form of hiJ:l ana coming, appearing.
Komohana is the contracted form of komo and hana, which latter is rep-
resented in modern Hawaiian by ana, the present participial ending.
(3) Sect. 3. The explanation ziven of this terminology is a
complete begging of the question, and is no explanation at all.
(4) Sect. 5. Ka paa iluiia is literally the upper firmament, taking
this word in its original and proper meaning.
{6) Sect. 5. Ka halawai. This last expression is probably appHcd
to the horizon, the line where the walls of heaven join the plain of the
earth.
(2) Sect. 2, I think Malo is mistaken in this statement. The terms
hikina, or kuknlu liikina, komohana, etc., as designating East, West,
North, South, were of general application, on sea and on land; whereas,
the expressions uka and kai, with their prefixes ma and i, making makai
and ikai, mauka and iuka, etc., had sole reference to position on or ten-
dency towards land or sea, towards or away from the centre of the island.
The primitive and generic meaning of the word uka, judging from its uses
in the Southern languages, was that of stickiness, solidity, standing
31
ground. Where a man's feet stood on solid ground was uka. Nowhere
m the world more than in the Pacific could the distinction between terra
firma and the continent of waters that surrounded it be of greater im-
portance, and the necessity for nicely and definitely distinguishing it in
language be more urgent. The makers of the Hawaiian tongue and speech
well understood their own needs.
(5) Sect. 5. Hookui is undoubtedly that part of the vault of heaven,
the zenith, where the sweeping curves of heaven's arches meet; the hala-
wax was probably the line of junction between the kukulu, walls or pillars
on which rested the celestial dome, and the plane of the earth. The use
of these two terms is illustrated in the following:
PULE HOOLA
Na Au-makua mat ka la hiki a ka la kaUj
Mai ka hoo-kui a ka halawai!
Na Au-makua ia ka-hina-kuaj ia ka-hina-alOj
la kaa-akau i ka lanij
5 O kiha i ka lani.
Owe i ka lani,
Nunulu i ka lani,
Kaholo i ka lani,
Eia ka pulapula a oukou, Mahoe.
10 E malama oukou iaia., etc., etc.
Ye ancestral deities from the rising to the setting of the sun !
From the zenith to the horizon !
Ye ancestral deities who stand at our back and at our front !
Ye gods who stand at our right hand !
5 A breathing in the heavens,
An utterance in the heavens,
A clear, ringing voice in the heavens, •
A voice reverberating in the heavens !
Here comes your child, Mahoe.
10 Safeguard him ! etc., etc.
(7) Sect. IT. Mai kela paa a keia paa, literally from one firmament
to another firmament, direction in a vertical line.
I should be remarked that the Hawaiian of today is utterly and en-
tirely unacquainted with these terms. He may have heard them used by
his grandmother, or some wise person, but not one in a thousand can ex-
plain their use or meaning.
(8) Sect. 8. There certainly has been no such confusion in the use
of these terms among the Hawaiians of the present generation as to lead
one to think that David Male's statements are not mistaken. The Hawai-
ians, as a race of navigators from their earliest traditional recollection,
are now and must have been eminently clear-headed in all that concerned
32
matters of direction. I do not believe their terminology of direction was
quite so confused as would appear from Malo's statements. The Hawai-
ian, in common with other Polynesians, was alive to the importance of
marking the right-handed and left-handed direction of things relative to
himself, and it is easy to believe that for temporary and supplemental
purposes he might for the moment indicate a northerly direction by refer-
ence to his left side, but that it was more than a temporary, or incidental
use I do not credit. It is true that his term for North was Akau, the
same as was used to express the right; but it must be observed that in
designating the points of the compass they coupled with the Hema, or
Akau, the word kukulu.
CHAPTER VI.
TERMS USED TO DESIGNATE SPACE ABOVE AND BELOW.
1. The ancients applied the following names to the divisions of
space above us. The space immediately above one's head when
standing erect is spoken of as luna-ae; above that hma-akti; above
that luna4oa-aku; above that luna4ilo-aku ; above that luna-lilo-
loa; and above that, in the firmament where the clouds float, is
luna-o-ke-ao ; and above that were three divisions called respect-
ively kc-ao-ulu, ka-lani-nli and ka-lani-paa^, the solid heavens.
2. Ka-lani-paa is that region in the heavens which seems so re-
mote when one looks up into the sky. The ancients imagined that
in it was situated the track along which the sun travelled until u
set beneath the ocean, then turning back in its course below till it
climbed up again at the east. The orbits of the moon and the stars
also were thought to be in the same region with that of the sun,
but the earth was supposed to be solid and motionless.
3. The cloudS; which are objects of importance in the sky, were
named from their color or appearance. A black cloud was termed
eleele, if blue-black it was called nliuli, if glossy black hkvahkva,
or polo-hiwa. Another name for such a cloud was panopano.
4. A white cloud was called keokeo, or kea. If a cloud had a
greenish tinge it was termed maomaOj if a yellowish tinge lena.
A red cloud was termed ao ula-, or kiawe-ula or onohi-ula, red
eye-ball. If a cloud hung low in the sky it was termed hoo-lewa-
lewa, or the term hoo-pehtc-pehu, swollen, was applied to it. A
sheltering cloud was called hoo-mahi-malu, a thick black cloud
33
hoO'koko-liiy a threatening cloud hoO'Weli-iveli. Clouds were
named according to their character.
5. If a cloud was narrow and long, hanging low in the horizon,
it was termed opua, a bunch or cluster. There were many kinds
of opua each being named according to its appearance. If the
leaves of the opiia pointed downwards it might indicate wind or
storm, but if the leaves pointed upwards, calm weather. If the
cloud was yellowish and hung low in the horizon it was called
newe-newe, plump, and was a sign of very calm weather.
6. If the sky in the western horizon was blue-black, uli-uli,
at sunset it was said to be pa-tili and was regarded as prognosti-
cating a high surf, kai-koo. If there was an opening in the cloud,
like the jaw of the a'n, (sword fish), it was called ena and was.
considered a sign of rain.
7. When the clouds in the eastern heavens were red in patches^-
before sunrise it was called kahea (a call) and was a sign of rain.
If the cloud lay smooth over the mountains in the morning it was.
termed papala and foretokened rain. It was also a sign of rain,
when the mountains were shut in with blue-black clouds, and this
appearance was termed pala-moa. There were many other signs-
that betokened rain.
8. If the sky was entirely overcast, with almost no wind, it
was said to be poi-pu (shut up), or hoo-ha-Jia, or hoo-lu-luhi; and
if the wind started up the expression hoo-ka-kaa, a rolling to-
gether, was used. If the sky was shut in with thick, heavy clouds
it was termed hakiima, and if the clouds* that covered the sky
were exceedingly black it was thought that Ku-lam-ha-koi was
in them., the place whence came thunder, lightning, wind, rain,,
violent storms.
9. When it rained, if it was with wind, thunder, lightning and
perhaps a rainbow, the rain-storm would probably not continue
long. But if the rain was unaccompanied by wind it would prob-
ably be a prolonged storm. When the western heavens are red
at sunset the appearance is termed aka-iila (red shadow or glow)
and is loooked upon as a sign that the rain will clear up.
10. When the stars fade away and disappear it is ao, daylight,,
and when the sun rises day has come, we call it la; and when the
sun becomes warm, morning is past. When the sun is directly
overhead it is azi'akea, noon; and when the sun inclines to the
i
34
west in the afternoon the expression is ua aui ka la. After that
comes evening, called ahi-ahi (ahi is lire) and then sunset, napoo
ka la, and then comes po, the night, and the stars shine out.
11. Midnight, the period when men are wrapped in sleep, is
called au-moe, (the tide of sleep). When the milky way passes
the meridian and inclines to the west, people say ua huli ka i'a,
the fish has turned. Ua ala-ula mai o kua, ua moku ka pawa o ke
ao; a Iccokco maiika, a zcehe ke ala-ula, a pua-lcna, a ao loa, i. e.,
there comes a glimmer of color in the mountains, the curtains of
night are parted; the mountains light up; day breaks; the east
blooms with yellow ; it is broad daylight.
12. Rain is an important phenomenon from above; it lowers
the temperature. The ancients thought that smoke from below
turned into clouds and produced rain. Some rain-storms have
their origin at a distance. The kona was a storm of rain with wind
from the south, a heavy rain. The hoolua-storm was likewise at-
tended with heavy rain, but with wind from the north. The naulu,
accompanied with rain, is violent but of short duration.
13. The rain called azva is confined to the mountains, while
that called kualau occurs at sea. There is also a variety of rain
termed a-oku. A water-spout was termed imi-pui-lani. There
were many names used by the ancients to designate appropriately
the varieties of rain peculiar to each part of the island coast ; the
people of each region naming the varieties of rain as they deemed
fitting. A protracted rain-storm was termed ua-loa, one of short
duration tia poko, a cold rain ua hea.
14. The ancients also had names for the different winds.^
15. Wind always produced a coolness in the air. There was
the kono, a wind from the south, of great violence and of wide
extent. It affected all sides of an island, east, west, north and
south, and continued for many days. It was felt as a gentle wind
on the Koolau — the north-eastern or trade-wind — side of an island,
but violent and tempestuous on the southern coast, or the front of
the islands, (ke alo na mokupuni) .
16. The kona wind often brings rain, though sometimes it is
rainless. There are many different names applied to this wind.
The kona-ku is accompanied with an abundance of rain; but the
kona-mae, the withering kona, is a cold wind. The kona-lani
brings slight showers ; the kona-hea is a cold storm ; and the kona
35
hili-tnaia — the banana-thrashing kona — ^blows directly from the
mountains.
17. The hoolua, a wind that blows from the north, sometimes
brings rain and sometimes is rainless.
18. The hau is a wind from the mountains, and they are
thought to be the cause of it. because this wind invariably blows
from the mountains outwards towards the circumference of the
island.2
19. There is a wind which blows from the sea, and is thought
to be the current of the land-breeze returning again to the mount-
ains. This wind blows only on the leeward exposure or front
{alo) of an island. In some parts this wind is named eka (a name
used in Kona, Hawaii), in others aa, (a name used at Lahaina and
elsewhere,), in others kai-a-nlu, and in others still inu-zvai-^ There
was a great variety of names applied to the winds by the ancients
as the people saw fit to name them in different places.
20. The place beneath where we stand is called lalo; below
that is lalo-o-ka-lcpo (under ground) ; still below that is lalo-liloa
(the full form of the expression would be lalo-Hlo-loa) ; the region
still further below the one last mentioned was called lalo-ka-papa-
21. A place in the ocean was said to be maloko o ke kai, that
is where fish always live. Where the ocean looks black it is very
deep and there live the great fish. The birds make their home in
the air ; some birds live in the mountains.
( I ) Sect. 14. It would be a hopeless task to enumerate all the name3
use din designating the winds on the different islands. The same wind
was often called by as many names on the same island as there were capes
and headlands along the coast of that island. See the legend of Kama-
puaa for a list of names of winds about Oahu, also the story of Paka'a.
{^2) Sect. iS. Hau. Evidently the land-breeze.
(3) Sect. IQ. Inu-wai, water-drinking, is a name not frequently ap-
plied to a rainless wind that wilts and dries up the herbage.
(4) Sect. 20. "The general support of tradition is given to the idea
that Papa is the same person as Papa-tu-a-nuku (earth standing in space) ;
but White gives legends affirming that Papa-iu a-nuku was really the wife
of Tangaroa, and that Rangi and Tangaroa fought for her possession
(mythically ocean and sky claiming and warring for earth.) Tangaroa
was the victor," etc. Maori Comp. Diet., Edward Tregear. Article on
Papa, Papa-tu-a-nukn (mythological.)
36
(5) Sect. 20. In a song of rejoicing by Kukaloloa, celebrating the
escape of Keoua-kuhauula and Keawe-mauhili, after the battle of Moku-
ohai, in which Kamehameha I was victorious, I find the following:
Moku ka ia i ka papa-ku o Wakea,
O Wakea hauli i ka lani,
Hauli i ka papa-ku o Lono.
MSS. Notes on the Waa p. 14.
This ancient mele has two meanings, like very many Hawaiian meles.
The archaic meaning I cannot yet make out. Polikapa gives me the fol-
lowing, which seems to me ingenious, but modern.
Torn is the fish from the embrace of Wakea,
Wakea who has fallen from heaven.
Fallen to the level of the hard world.
The phrase moku ia is generally used to mean the turning of the
milky way towards the west at midnight, and papa-ku the underground
stratum that would have to be passed before one reached Milu or Hades,
if any one can tell which that is. In the modern meaning, which is the
one I liave given, ia (literally a Psh) nieans a woman, while papa-ku o
Wakea means the breast, i. e., the embrace of Wakea.
Hauli i ka lani, literally has fallen from heaven, may mean has been
robbed of his paradise, that is, his companion. Papa-ku Lono, I am
told, means the back of a man, a slang phrase, archaic slang, *. c, a figura-
tive form of expression, such as abound in the wilderness of Hawaiian
poetic phraseology. But into plain speech, the meaning of this poetical
fragment is, the woman has been torn from the embrace of Wakea; Wa-
kea has lost his paradise; his consort has been carried away on the back
of another.
The interpretation of the passage has apparently led me far afield and
landed me in unknown territory. I can see in it a possible allusion to the
separation of Wakea from his wife Papa, which according to Southern
Polynesian myth was the lifting up of the vault of heaven from the plain
of the Earth, Papa ; but in Hawaiian tradition was often spoken of as the
divorce of the woman Papa by the man, her husband, Wakea.
CHAPTER VII.
NATURAL AND ARTIFICIAL DIVISIONS OF THE LAND.
I. The ancient.s gave names to the natural features of the land
according to their ideas of fitness. Two names were used to in-
dicate an island ; one was moku, another was aina. As separated
from other islands by the sea, the term mokti (cut off) was ap-
37
plied to it ; as the stable dwelling place of men, it was called aina,
land, (place of food).
2. When many islands were grouped together, as in Hawaii
nei, they were called pae-mokii or pae-aina; if but one moku or
aina.
3. If one (easily) voyaged in a canoe from one island to an-
other, the island from which he went and that from which he
sailed were termed moku kele i ka waa, an island to be reached by
a canoe, because they were both to be reached by voyaging in a
canoe.
4. Each of the larger divisions of this group, like Hawaii, Maui
and the others, is called a moku-ptini (moku, cut off, and puni,
surrounded).
5. An island is divided up into districts called apana, pieces, or
moku-O'loko, interior divisions, for instance Kona on Hawaii, or
Hana on Maui, and so with the other islands.
6. These districts are subdivided into other sections which are
termed sometimes okana and sometimes kalana, A further sub-
division within the okana is the poko.
7. By still further subdivision of these sections was obtained a
tract of land called the ahu-puaa, and tht ahu-puaa was in turn
divided up into pieces called ili-aina.
8. The ili-aina were subdivided into pieces called moo-ainay
and these into smaller pieces called pauku-aina (joints of land),
and the pauku-aina into patches or farms called kihapai. Below
these subdivisions came the koele} the haku-one^ and the kuakua.^
9. According to another classification of the features of an
island the mountains in its centre are called kua-himi, back-bone,
and the name kua-lono^ is applied to the peaks or ridges which
form their summits. The rounded abysses beneath are (extinct)
craters, lua pele.
10. Below the kua-hizvi comes a belt adjoining the rounded
swell of the mountain called kua-viauna or niauna, the mountain-
side.
11. The belt below the kna-manna, in which small trees grow,
is called kua-hea, and the belt below the kua-hea, where the larger
sized forest-trees grow is called wao,^ or zvao-nahele, or zvao-eiwa.
38
12. The belt below the wao-eiwa was the one in which the
monarchs of the forest grew, and was called wao-maukele, and
the belt below that, in which again trees of smaller size grew was
called zvao-akiia,^ and below the li^ao-akiia comes the belt called
waO'kanaka or ma'u. Here grows the aw^'aw-fern and here men
cultivate the land.
13. Below the ina'u comes the belt called apaa (probably be-
cause the region is likely to be hard, baked, sterile), and below this
comes a belt called ilima'* and below the ilima comes a belt
called pahee, slippery,^ and below that comes a belt called kula
(plain, open country) near to the habitations of men, and still
below this comes the belt bordering the ocean called kahakai, the
mirk of the ocean (kaha, mark, and kai, sea.)
14. There are also other names to designate the features of the
land : The hills that stand liere and there on the island are called
pun, a lump or protuberance; if the hills stand in line they are
designated as a lalani puu or pae puu; if they form a cluster of
hills they are designated kini-kini puu or olozmlu puu.
15. A place of less eminence was called an ahua; or if it was
lower still an ohu, or if of still less eminence (a plateau) it was
temied kahua.^
16. A narrow strip of high land, that is a ridge, was called
a lapa or a kua-lapa, and a region abounding in ridges was called
olapchlapa.
17. A long depression in the land, a valley, was called a kaha-
wai; it was also called awaiva or' owazva.
18. Those places where the land rises up abrupt and steep like
the side of a house are named pali; ^^ if less decided precipitous
they are spoken of as opalipali,
19. A place where runs a long and narorw stretch of beaten
earth, a road namely, is turmed ola-nui; another narne is kua-moo
(lizard-back). When a road passed around the circumference
of the island it was called the ala-loa. A place where the road
climbed an ascent was termed pii'na; another name was hoopii'na;
another name still was koo-ku, and still another name was auku.
20. Where a road passed down a descent it was termed iho'na,
or du, or ka-olo {olo-kaa, to roll down hill), or ka-lua or hooi-
39
ho'na. The terraces or stopping places on a (steep) road where
people are wont to halt and rest are called oi-o-ina,
21. A (natural) water-course or a stream of water was called
a kahawai (scratch of water) ; its source or head was called kumu-
wai; its outlet or mouth was called nuku-wai. An (artificial)
ditch or stream of water for irrigating land is called au wai.
When a stream mingles with sea water (as in the slack water of
a creek) it is termed a midi-zvai. A body of water enclosed by-
land, i. e., a lake or pond, is called a loko.
NOTES TO CHAPTER VII.
(i) Sect. 8. A koelc was a piece of land seized by an alii while
under cultivation by serf or peasant. The peasant was required to keep
it still under cultivation, but the land and the crops went to the alii. The
work devoted to its cultivation was called hana po-alima, because Friday
v/as the day generally given np to work for the alii.
(2.) Sect. 8. Hakii-one was the small piece of land under cultivation
by the peasant which the konohiki seized for his own use, though the
peasant had to continue its cultivation. A peasant, for instance, had six
taro-patches ; the alii appropriated the best one for himself, and that was
called koele. The konohiki, or haku-aina, took another for himself and
that v/as called haku-onc.
(3.) Sect 8. The kua-kt4a was a broad kuauna or embankment be-
tween two wet patches which was kept under cultivation.
(4. Sect. 9. I am informed on good authority that a kua-lono was
a broad plateau between two vallies, while a kua-lapa was a narrow ridge.
(5) Sect. II. IVao is the name of any kind of a wilderness or un-
inhabited region, the abode of gods, spirits and ghost?.
(6) Sect. 12. Wao-akua. In this phrase, which means wilderness
of gods, we have embodied the popular idea that gods and ghosts chiefly
inhabit the waste places of the earth.
(7) Sect. 13. The leis or garlands of beautiful chrome-yellow
flov/ers which the flower girl of Honolulu on "steamer day" offers to you
for a price, are from the ilima or Sida fallax.
(8) Sect. 13. Pahee, slippery. Probably because of a peculiar
species of grass that grows in such places.
(9) Sect. 15. Kahua is .ilso the term used to denote a foundation.
(10) Sect. 18. According to Lieutenant Yoimghusband, author of
an interesting book of travel, entitled "Through the Heart of a Continent,"
the w^ord pali is u<;ed in North India as in the Hawaiian Islands, to
designate a mountain wall or precipice.
(11) Sect. 21. Muli means remainder, and ntulizvai therefore means
remainder of the water. The explanation is that at the mouth of many
Hawaiian streams is a bar of sand or mud. At low tide water still re-
mains standing within this retaining bar, and this water caused the whole
.stream to be called muliivai.
40
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNING THE ROCKS.
1. The ancients applied to various hard, or mmeral, sub-
stances the term pohakn, rocks or stones. A rocky cliff was called
a pali-pohaku; a smaller boulder or mass of rock would be termed
pohaku uuku iho. The term a-a was applied to stones of a some-
what smaller size. Below them came iliili or pebbles. When of still
smaller size, such as gravel or sand, the name one was applied,
and if still more finely comminuted it was called lepo, dirt.
2. A great many names were used to distinguish the different
kinds of rocks. In the mountains were found some very hard
rocks which probably had never been melted by the volcanic fires
of Pele. Axes were fashioned from some of these rocks, of which
one kind was named uli-uli, another ehu-ehu. There were many
varieties.
3. The stones used for axes were of the following varieties:
Jie-i, ke-pne, ala-mca, kai-alii, hiimu-ula, pi-wai, awa-lii, lau-kea,
mauna. All of these are very hard, superior to other stones in
this respect, and not vesiculated like the stone called ala.
4. The stones used in making lu-hee for squid-fishing are pe-
culiar and were of many distinct vareties. Their names are
hiena, ma-heu, hau, pa-pa, lae-koloa, lei-ole, ha-pou, kawau-puu,
ina-ili, an, nani-nui, ma-ki-ki, pa-pohakn, kaua-ula, zvai-anim-kolCy
hono-ke-a-a, ktipa-oa, poli-poli, ho-one, no-hu, lu-au, wai-mano,
hule-ia, maka-tvela.
5. The stones used for maikas were the ma-ka {maka-af), hiu-
pa iki-makua, kumu-one,^ ma-ki-ki^ kumu-mao-mao , ka-lama-ula,
and paa-kea.^
6. Volcanic pa-hoe-hoe is a class of rocks that have been melted
by the fires of Pele. Ele-ku and a-na, pumice, are very light and
porous rocks. Another kind of stone is the a-la^ and the pa^ea.
7. The following kinds of stone were used in smoothing and
polishing canoes and wooden dishes, coral stones (puna), a vesic-
ulated stone called o-ahi, o-la-i or pumice, po-hnehne, ka-wae-zme,
o-i-o, and a-na.
8. The kinds of stone used in making poi-pounders were a4a,
lua-u, kohe-nalo, the white sand-stone called kumu-one, and the
41
coral-stone called koa. There is also a stone that is cast down
from heaven by lightning. No doubt there are many other stones
that have failed of mention.
(i.) Sect. 5. Kamit-oiie: A white Fand-stone composed of sea-sand
It cuts and works up well.
(2.) Sect 5. Paa-kea is volcanic sinter. A maika of this species of
stone which is in the writer's collection had been used as a fetish or medi-
cine-charm.
(3.) Sect. 6. A-la is the hardest and densest kind of basalt to be
found on the islands. It is the stone from which the best axes are made.
It seems unaccountable that Mr. Malo should omit this most important
of all the stones from his rambling and very unsatisfactory list. If any
stone might be considered to have escaped the melting action of Pele's
fires by reason of its hardness it would certainly be this one.
In the Maori language the same dark, close-grained basalt is named
ka-ra and is used in making the finest axes.
CHAPTER IX.
PLANTS AND TREES.
. The ancients gave the name laau to every plant that grows
in the earth of which there are a great many kinds {ano). The
name laau was, however, applied par eminence to large trees;
plants of a smaller growth were termed laa-laii; the term nahele
(or nahele-hele) was used to indicate such small growths as
brush, shrubs, and chapparal. Plants of a still smaller growth
were termed iveu-iven; grasses were termed maiiu.
2. The pupu-keawe^ (same as pu-keawe) , another name for
which is mai-eli, is a sort of brush, nahele^ that grows on the
mountain sides. It was used in incremating the body of any one
who had made himself an outlaw beyond the protection of the
tabu.
9. Further down the mountain grows the ohia (same as the
lehua), a large tree. In it the bird-catchers practiced their art of
bird-snaring. It was much used for making idols, also hewn into
posts and rafters for houses, used in making the enclosures about
temples, and for fuel, also from it were made the sticks to couple
together the double canoes, besides which it had many other uses.
42
4- The koa^ was the tree that grew to be of the largest size in
all the islands. It was made into canoes, surf-boards, paddles,
spears, and (in modern times) into boards and shingles for
houses. The koa is a tree of many uses. It has a seed and its
leaf is crescent-shaped.
5. The ahaked'^ is a tree of smaller size than the koa. It is
valued in canoe-making, the fabrication of poi-boards, paddles,
and for many other uses.
6. The kaivau was a tree useful for canoe-timber and for tapa-
logs. The manono and aiea were trees that also furnished canoe-
timber.
7. The kopiko was a tree that furnished wood that was useful
for making tapa-logs {kua kuku kapa) and that also furnished
good fuel. The kolea was a tree the wood of which was used in
making tapa-logs and as timber for houses. Its charcoal was used
in making black dye for tapa. The naia was a tree the wood of
which was used in canoe-making.* The sandal-wood, ili-ahi, has
a fragrant wood which is of great commercial value at the pres-
ent time. The naio also is a sweet-scented wood and of great
hardness. The pua is a hard wood. The kauila is a hard wood,
excellent for spears, tapa-beaters and a variety of other similar
puriKJScs."'
8. The mamanc and uhi-uhi were firm woods used in making
the runners for holua-sXtAs and spades, o-o, i/sed by the farmers.
The alani was one of the woods used for poles employed in rigging
canoes.
9. The olomea was a wood much used in rubbing for fire;
the ku'kui a wood sometimes used in making the dug-out or
canoe; the bark of its roots, mixed with several other things,
was used in making the black paint for canoes, and its nuts are
strung into torches called kn-kiii.^
10. The paihi is a wood useful as fuel and in house-making.
It has a flower similar to that of the Ichua and its bark is used in
staining tapa of a black color. The alii is a solid wood used for
house posts. The koaie is a strong wood useful as house-timber
and in old times used in making shark hooks.
11. The ohe, or bamboo, which has a jointed stem (pona-
pona), was used as fishing poles to take the aku — or any other
fish — and formerly its splinters served instead of knives.
43
12. The wili-wili is a very buoyant wood, for which reason it
is largely used in making surf boards (papa-hee-nahi) , and out-
rigger floats (ama) for canoes. The olapa was a tree from
which spears such as were used in bird-liming or bird-snaring
were obtained. The lama is a tree whose wood is used in the
construction of houses and enclosures for (certain) idols. The
a7va is the plant whose root supplies the intoxicating drink
(so extensively used by the Polynesians).
13. The ulu or bread-fruit is a tree whose wood is much used
in the construction of the doors of houses and the bodies of
canoes. Its fruit is made into a delicious poiJ The ohia —
so-called mountain apple — is a tree with scarlet flowers and a
fruit agreeable to the taste. The hawane, or loulu-palm, is a tree
the wood of w^hicli was used for battle spears ; its nuts were eaten
and its leaves are now used in making hats.
14. The kou is a tree of considerable size, the wood of which
is specially used in making all sorts of platters, bowls and dishes,
and a variety of other utensils. The milo^ and the pua were
(useful) trees. The 7iiu — coco-palm — is a tree that bears a deli-
cious nut, besides serving many other useful purposes. The
(fleshy) stems of the hapuu fern, and the tender shoots of the
a-nta-u fern and the i-i4 fern afforded a food that served in time
of famine.
15. The wauke is one of the plants the bark of which is
beaten into tapa.^ The wauke had many other uses. The hibis-
cus, called hau,^^ furnished a (light) wood that was put to many
uses. Of its bark was made rope or cordage. The ohe-tree
produced a soft wood, similar to the kukui (or American bass —
Translator), and was sometimes used in making stilts, or kuku-
luaeo.
16. The olona and the hopue were plants from whose bark
were made lines and fishing nets and a great many other things.
The mamaki and the maa-loa were plants that supplied a bark
that was made into tapa. The keki and the pala fern were used
as food in times of famine. The (hard leaf stalks) of the ama'ti-
ma*u fern were used as a stylus for marking tapa {mea pain hole
kapa).
17. The nia'o was a plant whose flower was used as a dye to
colored tapa and the loin cloths of the women, etc. The noni was
44
a tree (the bark and roots of) which furnished a yellowish-
brown dye (resembling madder) much used in staining the tapa
caleld kua-uia. Its fruit (a drupe) was eaten in time of
famine. The (yellow) flowers of the ilimd^^ were much desired
by the women to be strung into leis or garlands.
t8. The haJa — pandanus or screw pine — was a tree the drupe
of which was extremely fragrant and was strung into wreaths.
Its leaves were braided into mats and sails. The ulei was a tree
whose wood was highly valued for its toughness, and of it were
made thick, heavy darts — ihe-pahce — for skating over the ground
in a game of that name. It also furnished the small poles with
which the mouth of the bag-net, upena-aei, was kept open. The
a-e and the po-ola were trees the wood of which was used in spear-
making. The wood of the wala-hee was formerly much used in
making a sort of adze (to cut the soft wili-zvili wood); it also
furnished sticks used in keeping open the mouth of the paki-kii
net.
19. The banana, maiaj was a plant that bore a delicious fruit.
There were many species of the banana and it had a great variety
of uses. The mana was a tree suitable for timber (literally boards
or planks papa). The haa, ho-azva, hao, and many other trees 1
have not mentioned in this account were no doubt good for fuel.
I>esidcs there were manv more trees that I have not mentioned.
20. The pili — a grass much used for thatching houses — ^the
koo-koo-lau — an herb used in modern times as a tea — these and
various other plants in the wilderness, such as the i-e, the pala fern,
the kupu-kupu, mana, akolea, ama-u-ma'u-fern, etc., etc., were
termed nahele-hele,^^ i. e., weeds or things that spread.
21. The hono-hono, wandering Jew, the kukae-pnaa, ^^ the
kakona-kona, the piJi, manienie}^ the kulohia, pmi-koa, pili-pili-
nla, koluJw, the moho-loa, the ahn-aii^a, the niahiki-hiki, and the
kohe-kohe were grasses, maun.
22. The popolo, the pakai, the azveo-weo, nati-nau, haio, nena
and the palula were cooked and eaten as greens (luau). Ihe
gourd was a vine highly prized for the calabashes it produced.
45
NOTES ON CHAPTER IX.
(2) Sect. 4. Koa. In ancient times the koa found its ch chief use
in waking the canoe. In these days its greatest usefulness is found as a
cabinet wood. It is capable of a very high polish.
(3-) Sect 5. Ahakea. It furnished the material chiefly used in
making the carved pieces that adorned the bow and stem of even- old-
time Hawaiian canoe, also the top rail on the gunwale of the canoe.
(4) Sect. 7. Xaia Not for the bodv of the craft, but in trim-
-ning it.
(5) Sect. 7. Kauila. Kamehameha I armed his legions with spears
of kauila wood.
6) Sect. 9. Kukui. The Samrxin name for this tree is tui-tui, to
sew or to thread or to string, as to string beads or flowers. Tui is needle
and iui-iiii is to sew or to string. The name of the tree and of the
torches or candles produced from its nuts, as indicated in both the Ha-
waiian and Samoan word-forms, was undoubtedly derived from imi. a
needle or thorn.
(7) Sect. 13. Poi in the great majority of cases mean-^ the article
of food made from taro: but the Hawaiians also applied that name to
the product of the breadfruit and of the potato as well, when cooked,
pounded, and mixed with water.
(8) Sect. 14. The milo like the kou. made excellent dishes. The
wood of the pita, which was ver>' hard, burned with a hot flame, like
hickor>% even when green. Every woodman or mountaineer will know
what that means.
(9) Sect. 15. Kapa or tapa. In the form of sheets used as a blan-
ket to cover one at night, or as a toga for dignity and comfort by day»
or made into the tnalo, the garment of modesty of the men, or the /'ii-ii.
wliich was the garment of modesty of the women.
(10) Sect. 15. Hau. It was the favorite wood for making flre-
sticks. and was much used at handles for axes.
(11) Sect. 17. Ilima. At the present day it is cultivated by the
Hawaiians.
(12) Sect. 20. Nahclehelc. From hclc, to go? As to the derivation
of this word, in Maori nga-hcrc-hcre means the forest, not the creeping
plants in it. This is certainly not the case in the Hawaiian language.
In Hawaiian the word is applied to wetds. brush, under-growth, chap-
paral, whether that is found in the woods, beneath the forest trees, in
tbe open, standing alone, or in cultivated fields.
U3) Sect. 21. Kukac-puaa. A rich and delicate grass, said to have
sprung up wherever the great pig-god, Kama-puaa, left his mark.
(14) Sect. 21. Mamcnic. A ni<»dern grass, probably introduced by
Vancouver from Mexico or South America. It makes a fine lawn grass.
(15) Sect. 21. Mokoloa. Also known as Makaloa, a small rush used
in making the famous Niihau pazvehc mats.
46
(i) Sect. 2. Pu-keawe. When a kapu-chief found it convenient to
lay aside his dread exclusiveness for a time, that he might perhaps mingle
with people on equal terms without injury to them or to himself, it was
the custom for him — and according to one authority those with whom he
intended to mingle joined with him in the ceremony — to shut himself into
a little house and smudge himself with the smoke from a fire of this same
pu'keawe. At the conclusion of this fumigation a priest recited the fol-
lowing :
PULE HUIKALA.
/ Kane ma, laua o Kanaloa,
O kalii ka po,
O lua ka po,
O kolu ka po,
5 O ha ka po,
O lima ka po,
O ono ka po,
O hiku ka po,
O walu ka po,
10 O iwa ka po,
A umi ka po,
Holo aku oe i kai,
Noa aku oe i kai,
Pau ko'u kapu ia oe, Lono.
15 Amama. Ua noa ia Umi.
r
PRAYER FOR A DISPENSATION.
To Kane and his fellow Kanaloa,
For one night,
For two nights.
For three nights,
5 For four nights.
For five nights.
For six nights,
For seven nights,
For eight nights,
10 For nine nights,
For ten nights,
You shall sail out to sea,
And the tabu shall not rest upon you at sea.
My tabu shall be done away with by you, o Lono!
15 It is lifted ! There is freedom to Umi !
(Informant Waialeale of Waimanalo, O.)
Apropos of this same shrub, or small tree rather, the following story
has been communicated to me (by J. K. K.)
47
In the time of Ulu-lani, who was then the king in that part of Hilo —
the northern part — which was called Hilo pali-ku, a certain woman caused
him to be very angry, so that he threatened to put her to death, for the
simple reason, that she had stepped on his bathing stone. He was re-
strained from this purpose, however, by his kahuna, who had spiritual
insight, as a makaula, and recognized the woman to be of royal lineage.
This woman had come down from the interior and, reaching the ocean,
went in to bathe. Having finished her salt water bath, she entered the
river for the purpose of cleansing her body of the salt, and wishing to
assert her royal blood, on coming out of the water she deliberately occu-
pied the flat stone on which the king was accustomed to stand after bath-
ing in the same stream. When the king learned of this insult he felt
greatly enraged and determined to put the woman to death. His priest,
however, said to him, **You can't kill her for this." "Why not?" asked
he. "Because she had an alii on her back." "Who was that aliif' asked
the king. "It was Mai-eli-lani, king of pupu keawe (ka lani o pupu
keawe.) When a man dies wiiat wood do you use to make the fire to con-
sume his body with?"
'No, you'd better not kill that woman," said the priest.
'Why?" persisted the king. "As you know, I am the king of Hilo
pali-ku, a native of the land, a descendant from the very earliest line of
Icings (he kupa au a he apaakuma.)"
"Yes, and for that very reason, because you are an apaakuma, an
autocthon, you will be put to death." The king was silenced and could
make no further answer, because he knew that only with this sort of wood
was a human body reduced to ashes. The kahuna then repeated the fol-
lowing ancient mele:
O Mai-eli, lani o Uli,
O Uli ku huihui lau, lau o Ikuo,
O Iku-lani^ naha;
Naha ke poo o Pupu-keawe,
5 O Keawe ia a Ka-lani-Hilo, hilo e make.
A make! a make i ka Hilo pali-ku.
Eia la o Mai-eli! he alii no A,
A Uli! a make!
A make o ia Pupu-Keawe!
Mai-eli, king of Uli,
Uli, the active, the multiform, offshoot of Iku,
Iku, king of kings in heaven, broken for others;
Broken was the body of Pupu-keawe;
5 It is Keawe, king of Hilo who must die.
He dies! Lo he dies in Hilo-pali-ku!
Here too is Mai-eli, king of fuel.
Burn Uli! Burn to death !
You are consumed by Pupu-keawe.
48
(*) The term Iku is used by the Nauwa Society in the modem word
Iku-hai. Iku'lani, the ancient word, means the highest, head of all.
'So it is by the Mai-eli that 1 am tc die and the Mai-eli is a king. I
command that henceforth no man, woman or child gather .this shrub on
my land or use it to make a fire for common purposes."
Then the king ordered all the men in seven ahupuaas to go up into
the mountains and bring a quantity of this brush to make a fence of. The
fence when first made was called ka pa o na Hiku. But they had great
difficulty in finding any of the brush long enough to be used in making a
fence, and they had to go repeatedly; consequently they changed the
name to ka pa o na hiku ai-kukac, i. e., the fence of the seven who eat
dirt.
N. B. — It is not an uncommon thing for Polynesian yarns to wallow
like a hog in the mire at the end of their journey.
CHAPTER X.
DIVISIONS OF THE OCEAN.
1. The ancients applied the name kai to the ocean and all
its parts. That strip of the beach over which the waves ran after
thty had broken was called ac-kai}
2. A little further out where the waves break was called
poi'na-kai.^ The name piic-onc was likewise applied to this place.^
But the same expressions were not used of places where shoal
water extended to a great distance, and which were called kai-
kohala (such as largely prevail for instance at Waikiki).
3. Outside of the poi-na-kai lay a belt called the kai-hele-ku^
or kai'papau, that is, water in which one could stand, shoal water ;
another name given it was kai-olma^
4. Beyond this lies a belt called kua-an where the shoal water
ended; and outside of thekua-au was a belt cdWtd kai-aujio-an,
for this belt was kai-kohalaS*
5. Outside of this was a belt called kai-tdi, blue sea, squid-
fishing sea kai-lu-hee, or sea-of-the flying-fish, kai-malolo, or sea-
of-the opelu, kai-opelu.
6. Beyond this lies a belt called kai-hi-aku, sea for trolling
the aku, and outside of this lay a belt called kai-kohola, where
swim the whales, monsters of the sea; beyond this lay the deep
ocean, moana, which was variously termed waho-lilo, far out to
49
sea, or lepo, under ground, or le^va, floating, or lipo, blue-black,
which reach Kahiki-moe, the utmost bounds of the ocean.
7. When the sea is tossed into billows they are termed ale.
The breakers which roll in are termed nahi. The currents that
move through the ocean are called au or wili-au.
8. Portions of the sea that enter into recesses of the land are
kai-hee-fiaiii,^ that is a surf-swimming region. Another name still
kai-o-kilo-heCy that is swimming deep, or sea for spearing squid, or
called kai'kuono; that belt of shoal where the breakers curl is
called pu-ao; another name for it is ko-aka.
9. A blow-hole where the ocean spouts up through a hole in
the rocks is called a p\ihi (to blow). A place where the ocean is
sucked with force down through a cavity in the rocks is called
a mimiliy whirlpool; it is also called a mimiki or an aaka
10. The rising of the ocean-tide is called by such names as.
ka-pii, rising sea, kai-nuiy big sea, kai-piha, full sea, and kai-apo^
surrounding sea.
11. When the tide remains stationary, neither rising nor fall-
ing, it is called kai-ku, standing sea; when it ebbs it is called kai-
moku, the parted sea, or kai-emi, ebbing sea, or kai-hoi, retiring
sea, or kai-makey defeated sea.
12. A violent, raging surf is called kai-koo. When the surf
beats violently against a sharp point of land, that is a cape, lae, it
is termed kai-ma-ka-ka-lae.
13. A calm in the ocean is termed a lai or a inalino or a
pa-e-a-e-a or a pohu.
NOTES ON CHAPTER X.
(i) Sect. I. A'e-kai. In the N. Z. aki-iai means the dash of the waves.
A well known tribe, now extinct, was named Aki-tai, because their ancestor
was dashed to pieces on the rocks of the sea-shore. Mr. S. Percy Smith
of New Zealand, remarks that if this word is actually a'e in the Hawaiian,
it forms an exception to the rule of vowel-changes. As stated by Mr.
Smith, this rule is as follows, "vowels change in the Polynesian language
according to the following law, a, e, form one series which may inter-
change without altering the meaning of the word. / and u form another
series. Very rarely do the two series change with each other." The
phrase a'e-one was also used when it concerned a sand-beach.
60
(2) Sect. 2. Poana-kai is the expression in the text. But I am in-
formed from many sources that poi'na-kai is the correct expression, that
poana-kai is appHed to the place where the breakers scoop out the sand
near the shore.
(3) Sect. 2. Fvc-one, sand-heap, from the heaping up of the sand by
the action of the waves.
(4) Sect. 3. Kai-ohua. Because there was found a small fish called
'Oliua. 1 am informed it was also termed kai-o hec, because the squid is
jhere speared.
(5) Sect. 4. Kai-hcc-nalu. Becau^^e there the rollers from the ocean
took head and it was there that the surf- rider lay in wait for a big wave
to carry him in on its hack.
(6) Sect. 4. Kai-kohola. This is clearly a mistake. Kohola is ap-
plied only to the shoal water inside the surf where it reaches out in a
long stretch as at Waikiki. (See Sect. 2.)
CHAPTER XI.
EATING UNUKK THK KAl'U SYSTEM.
1. The task of food-providing and eating under the kapii-
system in Hawaii nei was very burdensome, a grievous tax on
husband and wife, an iniquitous imposition, at war with domes-
tic peace.. The husband was burdened and wearied with the
preparation of two ovens of food, one for himself and a separate
one for his wife.
2. The man first started an oven of food for his wife, and,
when that was done, hq went to the house mua and started an
oven of food for himself.
3. Then he would return to the house and open his wife's
oven, peel the taro, pound it into poi, knead it and put it into
the calabash. This ended the food-cooking for his wife.
4. Then he must return to mua, open his own oven, peel the
taro, pound and knead it into poi, put the mass into a (separate)
calabash for himself and remove the lumps. Thus didheprepare his
food {aiy vegetable food); and thus was he ever compelled to do
so long as he and his wife lived.
5. Another burden that fell to the lot of the man was thatch-
ing the houses for himself and his wife; because the houses for
the man must be other than those for the woman. The man
51
had first to thatch a house for himself to eat in and another
house as a sanctuary (heiau) in which to worship his idols.
6. And, that accomplished, he had to prepare a third house
for himself and his wife to sleep in. After that he must build
and thatch an eating house for his wife, and lastly he had to pre-
pare a hale kua, a place for his wife to beat tapa in (as well as to
engage in other domestic occupations. — Translator.) While the
husband was busv and exhausted with all these labors, the wife
had to cook and serve the food for her husband, and thus it fell
that the burdens that lay upon the woman were even heavier
than those allotted to the man.
7. During the days of religious tabu, wjen the gods were
specially worshipped, many women were put to death by reason
of infraction of some tabu. According to the tabu a woman
must live entirely apart from her husband, during the period of
her infirmity ; she always ate in her own house, and the man ate in
the house called mna. As a result of this custom, the mutual
love of the man and his wife was not kept warm; the man might
use the opportunity to associate with another woman, likewise
the woman with another man. It has not been stated who was
the author of this tabu that prohibited the mingling of the sexes
while partaking of food. It was no doubt a very ancient practice ;
possibly it dates from the time of Wakea; but it may be subse-
quent to that.
8. There is, however, a tradition accepted by some that
Wakea himself was the originator of this tabu that restricts eat-
ing; others have it that it was initiated by Luhau-kapawa. It is
not certain where the truth lies between these two statements.
No information on this point is given by the genealogies of these
two characters, and every one seems to be ignorant in the mat-
ter. Perhaps, however, there are persons now living who know
the truth about this matter; if so they should speak out.
9. It is stated in one of the traditions relating to the
gods that the motive of the tabu restricting eating was the desire
on the part of Wakea to keep secret his incestuous intercourse
with Hoo-hoku-ka-lani. For this reason he devised a plan by
which he might escape the observation of Papa; and he accord-
ingly appointed certain nights for prayer and religious observ-
vance. and at the same time tabued certain articles of food to
62
women. The reason for this arrangement was not communicated
to Papa, and she incautiously consented to it, and thus the tabu
was established. The truth of the story I cannot vouch for.
10. If it was indeed Wakea who instituted this tabu then it
was a very ancient one. It was abolished by Kamchameha II,
known as Liholiho, at Kailua, Hawaii, on the third or fourth day
of October, 1819. On that day the tabu putting restrictions on
eating in common ceased to be regarded here in Hawaii. The
effect of this tabu, which bore equally on men and women, was
to separate men and women, husbands and wives from each
other when partaking of food.
11. Certam places were se#apart for the husband's sole and
exclusive use ; such were the sanctuary in which he worshipped
and the eating-house in which he took his food. The wife might
not enter these places while her husband was worshipping
or while he was eating; nor might she enter the sanctuary'
or eating-house of another man; and if she did so she must suf-
fer the penalty of death, if her action was discovered.
12. Certain places also were set apart for the woman alone.
These were the hale pea, where she stayed during her period cf
monthly infirmity — at which time it was tabu for a man to as-
sociate with his own wife, or with any other woman. The pen-
alty was death if he were discovered in the act of approaching
any woman during such a period. A flowing woman was looked
upon as both unclean and unlucky {haiimia, poino),
13. Among the articles of food that were set apart for the ex-
clusive use of man, of which it was forbidden the woman to eat,
were pork, bananas, cocoanuts, also certain fishes, the ulna, kumn
(a red fisli used in sacrifice), the ;/i7//n-shark, the sea turtle, the e-a,
(the sea-turtle that furnished the tortoise-shell), the pahu, the na-
ia, (porpoise), the whale, the nuao, hahalna hihimanu, (the ray)
and the hailepo. If a woman was clearly detected in the act of
eating any of these things, as well as a number of other articles
that were tabu, which I have not enumerated, she was put to
death.
14. The house in which the men ate was called the mua; the
sanctuary where they worshipped was called heiati, and it was a
very tabu place. The house in which the women ate was called
the hale ai'na. These houses were the ones to which the restric-
53
tions and tabu applied, but in the common dwelling house, hale
noa, the man and his wife met freely together.
15. The house in which the wife and husband slept together
was also called hale-moe. It was there they met and lived and
worked together and associated with their children. The man,
however, was permitted to enter his wife's eating house, but the
woman was forbidden to enter her husband's mua,
16. Another house also was put up for the woman called hale
kuku, the place where she beat out tapa-cloth into blankets, into
pau8 for herself, malos for her husband, in fact, the clothing for
the whole family as well as for her friends, not forgetting the
landlord and chiefs (to whom no doubt these things went in lieu
of rent, or as presents. — Translator.)
17. The out-of-door work fell mostly upon the man, while the
in-door work was done by the w^oman — that is provided she was
not a worthless and profligate woman.
18. I must mention that certain men were appointed to an
office in the service of the female chiefs and women of
high station which was termed ai-noa. It was their duty
to prepare the food of these chiefish women and it
was permitted them at all times to eat in their presence, for which
reason they were termed ai-noa — to eat in common — or ai-
puhiu.
CHAPTER XII.
TITK DIVISIONS OF THE YEAR.
1. The seasons and months of the year were appropriately
divided and designated by the ancients.
2. The year was divided into two seasons Kau and Hoo-ilo,
Kau was the season when the sun was directly overhead, when
daylight was prolonged, when the trade-wind, makani noa'e, pre-
vailed, when days and nights alike were warm and the vegetation
put forth fresh leaves.
3. Hoo-ilo was the season when the sun declined towards the
south, when the nights lengthened, when days and nights were
cool, when herbage (literally, vines) died away.
4. There were six months in Kau and six in Hoo-ilo.
54
5- The months in Kau were Iki-iki^ answering^ to May, at which
time the constellation of the Pleiades — huhui hoku set at sun-
rise. Kaa-ona, answering to Tune, — in ancient times this was
the month in which fishermen got their a-ei nets in readiness for
catching the opelu, procuring in advance the sticks to use in
keeping its mouth open; Hina-ia'cleele, answering to July, the
month in which the ohia fruit began to ripen; Mahoe-mua, an-
swering to August, — this was the season when the ohia fruit
ripened abundantly; Mahoe-hope, answering to September, the
time when the plume of the sugar-cane began to unsheath itself:
Ikuway corresponding to October, which was the sixth and last
month of the season of Kau.
6. The months in Hoo-ilo were Wcleehu, answeringjo Novem-
ber, which was the season when people, for sport, darted arrows
made of the flower-stalk of the sugar-cane ; Makalii, correspond-
ing to December, at which time trailing plants died down and the
south-wind, the Kona, prevailed; Kaelo, corresponding to Janu-
uary, the time when appeared the ennhe} when also the vines
began to put forth fresh leaves ; Kaulua, answering to February,
the time when the mullet, anac, spawned ; Nana, corresponding to
March, the season when the flying-fish, the malolo, swarmed in
the ocean; Welo. answering to April, which was the last of the
six months belonging to Hooilo.
7. These two seasons of six months each made up a year of
twelve months,^ equal to nine times forty days and nights — ^but
the ancients reckoned by nights instead of days.
8. There were thirty nights and days in each month; sev-
enteen of these days had compound names (inoa huhui) and thir-
teen had simple names (inoa pakahi) given to them.
9. These names were given to the different nights to corre-
spond to the phases of the moon. There were three phases — ano
— marking the moon's increase and decrease of size, namely, ( i )
the first appearance of the new moon in the west at evening :
10. (2) The time of full-moon when it stood directly over-
head (literally, over the island) at midnight.
11. (3) The period when the moon was waning, when it
showed itself in the east late at night. It was with reference to
these- three phases of the moon that names were given to the
nights that made up the month.
55
12. The first appearance of the moon at evening in the west
marked the first day of the month. It was called Hilo on account
of the moon's slender, twisted form.
13. The second night when the moon had become more dis-
tinct in outline was called Hoaka; and the third when its form
had grown still thicker, was called Kti-kahi; so also the foutrh
was called Ku-hia. Then came Kti-kohi, followed by Ku-pai4.
which was the last of the four nights named Ku.
14. The 7th, when the moon had grown still larger, was
called Ole-ku-kahi ; the 8th, Ole-ku-lua; the 9th, Ole-ku-kolu; the
loth, Olepau,^ making four in all of these nights, which, added
to the previous four, brings the number of nights with compound
names up to eight.
15. As soon as the sharp points of the moon's horns were
hidden the name Huna (hidden) was given to that night — the
nth. The I2th night, by which time the moon had grown still
more full, was called Mohalu. The 13th night was called Hun,
because its form had then become quite egg-shaped (hua an
egg) ; and the 14th night, by which time the shape of the moon
had become distinctly round, was called Akua (God), this being
the second night in which the circular form of the moon was
evident.
16. The next night, the 15th, had two name's appHed to it. If
the moon set before daylight ke ao ana — it was called hokti
palemo, sinking star, but if when daylight came it was still above
the horizon it was called hoku Hi, stranded star.
17. The second of the nights in which the moon did not set
until after sunrise — i6th — was called Mahea-lani. When the
moon's rising was delayed until after the darkness of night had set
in, it was called Kuhia, and the second of the nights in which the
moon made its appearance after dark was called Laau-kii-kahi
(i8th) ! this was the night when the moon had so much waned
in size as to again show sharp horns.
18. The 19th showed still further waning and was called
Laau-kti-hia ; then came Laau-pau (20th), which ended this
group of compound names, three in number. The name given to
the next night of the still waning moon was Olc-kii-kahi. Then
in order came Ole-ku-lua and Ole-pau, making three of this set
of compound names, (21st, 22d and 23rd).
56
19. Still further waning, the moon was called Kaloor-ku-kahi ;
then Kaloa-kU'liia ; and lastly, completing this set of compound
names, three in number, Kaloa-pau, (24th, 25th and 26th).
20. The night when the moon rose at dawn of day (27th)
was called Kane, and the following night, in which the moon rose
only as the day was breaking (28th), was called Lono, When
the moon delayed its rising until daylight had come it was called
Manli — fainting;^ and when its rising was so late that it could
no longer be seen for the light of the sun, it was called Miiku —
cut off. Thus was accomplished the thirty*^ nights and days of
the month.
21. Of these thirty days some were set apart as tabu, to be
devoted to religious ceremonies and the worship of the gods.
There were four tabu-periods in each moon.
22. The first of these tabu-periods was called that of Ku^ the
second that of Hua, the third that of Kaloa (abbreviated from
Kana-loa)y the fourth that of Kane.
23. The tabu of Ku included three nights ; it was imposed on
the night of Hilo and lifted on the morning of Kulua, The tabu
of Hua included two nights; it was imposed on the night of
Mohalu and lifted on the morning of Akua. The tabu of Kaloa
included two nights; it was imposed on the night of Ole-pau
and raised on the morning of KaJoa-ku-lua. The tabu of Kane
included two nights; being imposed on the night of Kane and
lifted on the morning of MaulL
24. These tabu-seasons were observed during eight months
of the year, and in each year thirty-two® days were devoted to the
idolatrous worship of the gods.
25. There were now four months devoted to the observances
of the Makahiki, during which time the ordinary religious cere-
monies were omitted, the only ones that were observed being
those connected with the Makahiki festival. The prescribed
rites and ceremonies of the people at large were concluded in the
month of Mahoe-hope. The keeoers of the idols, however, kept up
their prayers and ceremonies throughout the year.
26. In the month of Ikuzva the signal was given for the ob-
servance of Makahiki, at which time the people rested from their
57
prescribed prayers and ceremonies to resume them in the month
of Kau-hia. Then the chiefs and some of the people took up again
their prayers and incantations, and so it was during every period
in the year.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIX.
(i) Sect 6. Enuhc, a worm very destructive to vegetation.
(3) Sect. 14. Ole-ku-hau is the full and correct orthography, the one
also given by W. D. Alexander in his History, p. 315.
(4) Sect. 20. Mduli. 'To faint in the light of the sun." — Tennyson.
DIVISIONS OF THE MAKAHIKI.
(2) Sect. 7. There were considerable differences in the nomenclature of
the months and divisions of the year of the Hawaiian people. The differ-
ences attached to the different islands, as will be seen by reference to the
following table:
MONTHS AND OTHER DIVISIONS OP THE HAWAIIAN
TEAR
Hawaii.
o
g
J
^
»
t5
i
1. Welehu Nov
2. Makalii Deo
3« Kaelo . . Jan
4. Ka'u-lua,. .. Feb
5. Nana Mar
6. Welo Apr
7. Ikiiki May
8. Kaaona ...June
9. Hina-ia-eleele
July
10. Mahoe mua.Aug
11. Mahoe-hope.Sept
12. Ikuwa . . ..Oct
MoiiOKAI.
1. Ikuwa ..Jan
2. Hina-ia eleele. .
Feb
3. Welo Mar
4. Makalii Apr
5. Kaelo May
6. Ka'u-lua . . ..June
7. Nnna July
8. Ikiiki Aug
9. Kaaona Sept
10. Hili-na-ehu . . Oct
11. Hili-na-ma. . .Nov
12. Welehu . Dec
Oahit.
1 Nana Jan
2. Welo Feb
3. Ikiiki Mar
4. Kaaona Apr
5. Hina-ia-eleele.
May
6. M^oo-mua..June
7. Mahoe-hope-July
8. Ikuwa Aug
9. Welehu Sep
10. Makalii Oct
11. Kaelo. .. .Nov
12. Ka'u lua Dec
Kauai.
1. Ikuwa Apr
2. Welehu May
3. Kaelo June
4. Ikiiki July
5. Hina-ia-eleele.
Aug
6. Mahoe-mua .Sept
7. Mahoe-hope .Oct
8. Hili-na-ma. ..Nov
9. Hili-nehu. . ..Dec
10. Hili-o-holo. . Jan
11. Hili o-nalu . . Feb
12. Huki-pan. ...Mar
The year was divided into two seasons, Mahoe-
mua and Mahoe hope. The former included the
six months from the beginning of Ikuwa, corres-
ponding to April, to the end of Mahoe-mua, cor-
responding to September. Mahoe-hope included
the other six months of the year. My informant
obtained this statement from an old man of Wai-
mea, Kauai, who was a famous Kaka-olelo .
58
HAWAIIAN NAMES OF MONTBi^.
FROM W. D. ALEXANDER'S HISTORY.
1. Makalii Nov. . Dec
2. Easlo Dec. . Jan
3. Kaoliia Jan.. Feb
4. Nana Feb. . Mar
5. Welo Mar.. Apr
6. Ikiiki Apr.. May
7. Kaaona May . . June
8. Hinaieleele. June . July
9. Hilinaehu .,July. Aug
10. Hilinama . . Aug ... 8e pt
11. Ikuwa Sept . . Oct
12. Welehu .... Oct Nov
After coDBideriug this radical diversity that
obtained among the peoples of the different
islands that made up the Haw iian group as
to the nomenclature of the divisions, and
the initial point, of the year, it would seem
as if the only generalized statement that
could be made in regard to it was that it
was divided into twelve months.
(5) Sect. 20. The Hawaiians evidently hit upon the synodic month
and made it their standard. Their close approximation to it can not fail
to inspire respect for the powers of observation and the scientific faculty
of the ancient Hawaiians. It was an easy matter to eke out the reckoning
by omitting the last day in every other month, the synodic lunar month
being 29% days.
NAMES OP THE3 DAYS IN THE MONTH.
The KU tabu.
The HUA tabu
■!
1. Hilo.
2. Hoaka.
3. Eukahi.
4. Ku-luH.
5. Ku-kolu.
6. Ku-pau.
7. Ole ku kahi.
8. Ole-ku-lua. The KANALOA or
9. Ole-ku-kolu. KALOA tabu.
10. Ole-pau,
11. Huna.
12. Mohalu,
13. Hua.
14 Akua.
15 Hoku.
The KANE tabu.
16. Mahea-lani.
17. Ku-lua.
18 Laau-ku-kahi.
19. Laau-ku-lua.
20. Laau pnu
21. Ole-ku-kahi.
22. Ole-ku-lua.
23. Ol#'-rau.
24. Kaloa-ku-kahi.
25. Kalo-ku-lua,
26 Kaloa-pau.
27. Kane
28 Lono.
29. Mauli.
30. Muku.
As if to prove that even on the same island there might be more than
one nomenclature, a Hawaiian well skilled in the ancient lore of his coun-
try (Kaunamano) gives me the following list of months in the Hawaiian
year:
HOOILO.
MAKALII.
1. Ikuwn Oct-Nov
2. Ka-ulua ^ ov-Dec
3. Nana Dec-Jan
4. Welo Jan-b'eb
5. Ikiiki Feb-Mar
6. Eaaona Mar- Apr
7. Mahoe-mua . .Apr-May
8. Mahoe-hope. .May- June
9 Hina-ia-eleele,.June July
10. Welehu. July- Aug
11. Makalii Aug-Sept
12. Kaelo Sept-Oct
Ikuwa — The noisy month, clam-
or of ocean, thunder, storm.
Ka-ulUii—'lYie two stars called
Ka-ulua then rose in the East.
Nana — The young birds then
stir and rustled about {nnna-
na) in their nests and coverts.
Welo — rhe leaves are torn to
shreds by the enuhf.
Ikiiki— WHTm and sticky from
beinj? shut up in dov>r8, by
weather.
Kaaona— (T> r y) s u g a r-cane
flower-stalks, etc.. put away
in the top of the house have
now become very df^y.
59
An old woman of Kipahulu, Maui, gives me the following as the
names of the months of the Hawaiian year according to Maui -nomencla-
ture :
1. Ikawa
2 Welehu
3. MakHlii
4. Eaelo
5. Ka-nlua
6. Nana
7. Welo
8. Ikiiki
9. Kaaona
10 Hina-ia-eleele
11. Hili-nehu
12. Hili-na-ma
She volunteered the information that each
month had thirty days, save that four months,
two in Hooilo and two in Kau, had thirty-one
days apiece, thus givint; three-hundred and
sixty four days in each year. This is the first
time I have heard this important statement
made by a Hawaiian. The name of this intel-
ligent old lady, whose neck and head, when I
called upon her, were encircled with fillets of
ti leaf, deserves to be recorded— Nawahineelua,
of Kipahulu, Maui, the place where the hero
Laka made the canoe in which to sail in search
of his father^s bones. I omitted to (>tate that
the four supplementary days were called na Mahoe^ the.twins. Ikuwa was
the same as January. Whether by this she mt^ant merely that it was the
first month in the year, or that its place in the seasons was the same as that
of January I could not make oat.
The above statement cannot be correct, for such months would not
be lunar months, and the days would not correspond to the phases of the
moon.
(6) Sect. 24 The arithmetic of this calculation is all out. By refer-
ring to the table showing the days of the month and the tabu periods it
will be seen that there were nine tabu days in each month. There must
have been therefore seventy-two regular or canonical fast-days in each
year, not to mention the days appointed from time to time by the king or
priests.
(7) Sect. 20. In considering the ancient Hawaiian calendar, it must
be remembered that the synodical lunar month equals 29.53 days. Hence
it is necessary in any calendar based upon the moon's phases to reckon
alternately 29 and 30 days to a month, which was done by the Hawaiians,
as is correctly stated in Dibble's history, p. 108. For the night of Hilo
always had to coincide with the first appearance of the new moon in the
west, and that of Akua or Hoku with the full moon.
Again, as twelve lunar months fall about eleven days, (more exactly
10.875 days), short of the solar year, it was necessary to intercalate three
lunar months in the course of eight years, in order to combine the two
reckonings, as was done by the ancient Greeks.
To intercalate four days in each year, as stated by the old lady of
Hana mentioned above, or five days at the Makahiki festival, as suggested
by Mr. Fornander, would have wholly disarranged their monthly calendar,
so that the names of the several days would no longer have corresponded
to the varying phases of the moon. Besides, the shortage of the so-called
lunar year, which had to be made up, was not four or five but eleven days,
so that neither of the above explanations meets the case.
60
The Polynesian year, as stated by Ellis, Fornander, Moerenhout and
others, was regulated by the rising of the Pleiades, as the month of Ma-
kalii began when that constellation rose at sunset, i. e. about Nov. 20th.
The approximate length of the solar year was also well known to the an-
cient Hawaiians.
The fact that they did intercalate a month about every third year, is
well established, but we are still in the dark as to what rule was followed
by their astronomers (Kilo-hoku) and priests, and what name was given
to the intercalary month.
Mr. Dibble's statement is that the "twelve lunations being about eleven
days less than the sidereal year, they discovered the discrepancy, and cor-
rected their reckoning by the stars. In practice therefore the year varied,
there being sometimes twelve and sometimes thirteen lunar months" (in
a year.)
The Tahitians had names for thirteen months, but, as Mr. Ellis states,
"in order to adapt the moons to the same seasons, the moon generally
answering to March, or the one occurring about July, is generally omit-
ted."
The method referred to above of intercalating three moons in every
eight years would cause an excess of one moon in 145 years.
By the Metonic cycle, however, according: to which seven moons are
intercalated in every nineteen years, the excess is only 2h. 4m. 33s. in a
cycle, which would amount to one dav in 220 years.
W. D. Alexander
(8) Seel. 7. I am informed (by O. K. Kapule of Kaluaaha, Molokai)
th;?t on the island of Molokai the vear was divided into three seasons,
Maka-lii, Kau, and Hoo-ilo. Maka-lii was so termed because the sun was
then less visible, being obscured by clouds and the days were shortened.
Kau was so named because then tapa could be spread out to dry with
safety, kau ke kapa, and kau ka hoe a ka lawaia. Hoo-ilo meant change-
able. ,
Makalii the period included the first month of the year I-kuwa, cor-
responding to January. It was so named from the frequent occurrenct;
of Ihunder-storms. IVa-zva to reverberate, to stun the ear. Hina-ia-
eleele, the second month of the year, corresponding to our February, so
called from the frequent overcasting and darkening — eleele — of the
heavens. 3rd. Welo (March), so named because the rays of the sun
then began to shoot forth — ivclo more vigorously. 4th. Maka-lii, April,
^hich ended the season.
Then came the season called Kau, made up of the 5th month Ka-elo,
May, so named by the farmers because the potatoes burst out of the hill,
or overflowed from the full basket {ua piha ka hokeo a kaelo mawaho) ;
KaU'lud, the 6th month, corresponding to June, so called from coupling
two canoes together — kau-lua. 7th, Nana, July, so called from the fact
that a canoe then floated — nana, lana — quietly on ihe calm ocean. 8th,
Iki iki (August) the hot month {ikiki, or ikiiki, hot and stuffy.)
61
Then came Hoo-ilOj the changeable season, made up of Kaa-ona (Sept.)
so called because then the sand-banks began to shift in the ocean. Ona
is said to be another word for one, sand; Hilinehu or Hili-
na-ehu, October, so named from the mists, ehu, that floated up from the
sea.; Hili-na-ma (November) so called because it was necessary to keep
the canoes well lashed (hili). Closing with Welehu, (December) so
named from the abundance of ashes (lehu) that were to be found in the
fireplaces at this time. Other variations might be mentioned. The names
as given by Malo do not represent the usage on all the islands.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE DOMESTIC AND WILD ANIMALS.
1. It is not known by what means the animals found here in
Hawaii reached these shores, whether the ancients brought them,
whether the smaller animals were not indigenous, or where indeed
the wild animals came from.
2. If they brought these little animals, the question arises why
they did not also bring animals of a larger size.
3. Perhaps it was because of the small size of the canoes in
which they made the voyage, or perhaps because they were panic-
stricken with war at the time thev embarked, or because they were
in fear of impending slaughter, and for that reason they took with
them only the smaller animals.
4. The hog^ was the largest animal in Hawaii nei. Next in
size was the dog ; then came tame fowls, animals of much smaller
size. But the wild fowls of the wilderness, how came they here?
If this land was of volcanic origin, would they not have been de-
stroyed by fire?
5. The most important animal then was the pig {puaa), of
which there were many varieties. If the hair was entirely black,
it was called hkva paa; if entirely white, haole; if it was of a
brindled color all over, it was ehu; if striped lengthwise, it was
olomea.
6. If reddish about the hams the pig was a hiilu-iivi; if whitish
about its middle it was called a hahei; if the bristles were spotted,
the term kiko-kiko was applied.
7. A shoat was called poa (robbed) ; if the tusks were long it
was a pu-ko'a, A boar was termed kea,^ a young pig was termed
ohu
62
8. Likewise in regard to dogs, they were classified according
to the color of their hair ; and so with fowls, they were classified
and named according to the character of their feathers. There
wre also wild fowl.
9. The names of the wild fowl are as follows, the nene (goose,
Bernicla Sandvicensis), The nene, which differs from all other
"birds, is of the size of the (muscovy) duck, has spotted feathers,
long legs and a long neck. In its moulting season, when it comes
down from the mountains, is the time when the bird-catchers try
to capture it in the uplands, the motive being to obtain the feathers,
which are greatly valued for making kahilis. Its body is excel-
lent eating.
10. The alala (Conius hazi'oiicnsis) is another species, with a
smaller body, about the size perhaps of the female of the domes-
tic fowl. Its feathers are black, its beak large, its body is used for
food. This bird will sometimes break open the shell of a water-
gourd (hiie-zvai). Its feathers are useful in kahili-making. This
iDird is captured by means of the pole or of the snare.
11. The pneo, or owl, (Brachyottis gallapagoensis) and the io
resemble each other; but the pueo has the larger head. Their
bodies are smaller in size to that of the alala. Their
plumage is variegated (striped), eyes large (and staring), claws
sharp like those of a cat. They prey upon mice and small fowl.
Their feathers are worked into kahilis of the choicest descriptions.
The pueo is regarded as a deity and is worshipped by many.
These birds are caught by menas of the bird-pole (kia), by the
use of the covert,*'* or by means of the net.**
12. The violio IS a bird that does not fly, but only moves about
in thickets because its feathers are not ample enough (to give it
the requisite wing-power). It has beautiful eyes. This bird is
about the size of the alala ; it is captured in its nesting-hole and its
flesh is used as food. This bird does not visit (or swim in) the
sea, but it lives only in the woods and coverts, because (if it went
into the ocean), its feathers would become heavy and water-
soaked.
13. I will not enumerate the small wild fowl, some of them
of the size of young chickens, and some still smaller : the o-u is as
large as a small chicken, with feathers of a greenish color; it is
delicious eating and is captured by means of bird-lime.
63
14- Another bird is the omao, in size about like the o-u. Its
feathers are black, it is good eating and is captured by means of
bird-lime or with the snare. .
The 0-0 and the mamo are birds that have a great resemblance
to each other. They are smaller than the o-it, have black feathers,
shaj-p beaks, and are used as food. Their feathers are made up
into the large royal kahilis. Those in the axillae and about the tail
are very choice, of a golden color, and are used in making the
feather cloaks called ahn-tila which are worn by (the aliis as well
as by) warriors as insignia in time of battle (and on state occa-
siorxS of cereniohy or display. — Translator.) They were also used
in the making of leis (necklaces and wreaths) for the adornment
of the female chiefs and women of rank, and for the decoration
of the makahiki-ido\. (See Chap. XXXVI.) These birds have
many uses, and they are captured by means of bird-lime and the
pc^e.
15. The i-i<vi — the feathers of this bird are red, and used in
making ahu-iila. Its beak is long and its flesh is good for food.
It is taken by means of bird-lime. The apa-pane and the akihi-
polena also have red feathers. The ula is a bird with black feath-
ers, but its beak, eyes, and feet are red. It sits sidewise on its
nest {he punana nioe aoao kona). This bird is celebrated in song.
While brooding over her eggs she covered them with her wings,
but did not sit directly over them. The ti-a is a bird that resem-
bles the o-u. The ako-hc-kohe is a bird that nests on the
ground.
The inn is a bird with yellow feathers.
The oma-kihi and akihi-a-loa have yellow plumage; they arc
taken by means of bird-lime. Their flesh is fine eating.
16. The ele-paio^ (chasiempis) : this bird was used as food.
The i-ao resembles the molto; in looking it directs its eyes back-
wards. In this list cornes the kaka-wahie (the wood-splitter).
The hi is the smallest of these birds. They all have their habitat
in the woods and do not come down to the shore.
17. The following birds make their resort in the salt and
fresh water-p>onds. The alae (mud-hen, Gallinula chloropus)
has blue-black feathers, yellow feet, red forehead, — ^but one species
is white about the forehead {Fiilica doe,) This bird is regarded
as a deity, and has many worshippers. Its size is nearly that of
64
the domestic fowl, and its flesh is good eating (gamey, but very
tough). Men capture it by running it down or by pelting it with
stones.
i8. The koloa (muscovy duck, Anas superciliosd) , has spotted
feathers, a bill broad and flat, and webbed feet. Hunters take it
by pelting it with stones or clubbing it. It is fine eating. The
atiktm, (heron, Ardea sacra), has bluish feathers and a long neck
and beak. In si;?e it is about the same as the pneo, or owl. This
bird makes great depredations by preying upon the mullet (in
ponds.) The best chance of capturing it would be to pelt it with
stones.
19. The ktikiiluaeo (stilts — one of the waders), has long legs
and its flesh is sweet. It may be captured by pelting it with
stones.
The kioea (one of the waders) is excellent eating.
The kolea (plover^ Charadrins fulvus). It is delicious eating. In
order to capture it, the hunter calls it to him by whistling with
his fingers placed in his mouth, making a note in imitation of that
of the bird itself.
20. The following birds are ocean-divers (luu-kai) : The ua-u
(Procellaria alba). Its breast is white, its back blue-black; it has
a long bill of which the upper mandible projects beyond the
lower. It is delicious eating. Its size is that of the to. The
kiki, the ao and the lio-lio resemble the uau, but their backs are
bluish. Their flesh is used as food. They are captured with nets
and lines.
21. The o-ii-o-u: This bird is black all over; it is of a
smaller size than the uau and is fair eating ; it is caught by means
of a line. The puha-aka-kai-ea is smaller than the o-u-o-u; its
breast is white, its back black ; it is caught with a net and is good
for food.
22. The koae (tropic bird, "boatswain bird," "marlin spike,'*
Phaeton riihicauda) . This bird is white (with a pinkish tinge) all
over ; it has long tail-feathers which are made into kahilis ; it is of
the same size as the ti-a-n, and is fit for food (very fishy). The
O'i-o (Anous stolidus) has speckled feathers like the ne-ne; it is
of the same size as the u-a-ii and is good eating. All of these
birds dwell in the mountains by night, but during the day they
fly out to sea to fish for food.
65
23- I will now mention the birds that migrate (that are of the
firmament, itiai ke lewa mm lakoii.) The ka-upu: Its feathers
are black throughout, its beak large, its size that of a turkey.
The na-H'ke-imi is as large as the ka-upu. Its front and wings
are white; its back is black. The a is as large as the ka-u-pti, its
feathers entirely white. The inoli is a bird of about the size of
the ka-ii-pu. The iiva is a large bird of about the size of
the ka-u-pu; its feathers, black mixed with gray, are used for
making kahilis. The plumage of these birds is used in decorating
the Makahiki idol. They are mostly taken at Kaula and Nihoa,
being caught by hand and their flesh is eaten. The nolo is a small
bird of the size of the plover, its forehead is white. The kcUa
{Sterna panaya) resemble the noio. These are all eatable, they are
sea-birds.
24. The following are the flying things (birds, manu) that
are not eatable : the o-pea-pea or bat, the pinao or dragon-fly, the
okai (a butterfly), the lepe-lepe-ahina (a moth or butterfly), the
pu-lele-hua (a butterfly), the nalo or common house-fly, the nala-
paka or wasp. None of these creatures are fit to be eaten. The
tthini or grasshopper, however, is used as food.
25. The following are wild creeping things : the mouse or rat,
{iole), the makaula (a species of dark lizard), the elelit, or cock-
roach, the poki-poki (sow-bug), the koe (earth-worm), the lo (a
species of long black bug, with sharp claws), the aha or ear-wig,
the puna-wele-wele or spider, the lalana (a species of spider), the
nuhe or caterpillar, the poko (a species of worm, or caterpillar),
the nao-nao or ant, the mu (a brown-black bug or beetle that bores
into wood), the kua-paa (a worm that eats vegetables), the uku-
poo or head-louse, the uku-kapa or body-louse.
26. Whence come these little creatures? From the soil no
doubt ; but who knows ?
The recently imported animals from foreign lands, which came
in during the time of Kamehameha I, and as late as the present
time, that of Kamehameha III, are the following: the cow (bipi,
from beef) , a large animal, with horns on its head ; its flesh and
its milk are excellent food.
27. The horse (Ho), a large animal. Men sit upon his back and
lide; he has no horns on his head. The donkey (hoki), and the
mule (piula) ; they carry people on their backs. The goat (kao),
66
and the sheep (hipa), which make excellent food. The cat (po-
poki, or o-an)*'* and the monkey {keko)^ the pig (puaay and the
dog {ilioy. These are animals imported from foreign countries.
28. Of birds brought from foreign lands are the turkey, or
palahu, the koloa^, or duck, thd parrot or green-bird (manu
'Omaomao) , and the domestic fowl (moa), which makes excellent
food.
29. There are also some flying things that are not good for
iood: such as the mosquito (makika), the small roach {elelu
iiilii), the large flat cock-roach {elelu-papa) , the flea (uku-lelc^
jumping louse). The following are things that crawl: the rabbit
or iole-lapaki, which makes excellent food, the rat or iole-nui, the
mouse or iole-Inlii, the centipede {kanapi), and the ntoo-niho-azva
(probably the scorpion, for there are no serpents in Hawaii).
These things are late importations; the number of such things
will doubtless increase in the future.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII.
(i) Sect. 4. Kea-kea, to tease, therefore literally a teaser.
(2) Sect. 4. Havjaii net, this Hawaii ; literally Hawaii here. Its use
is appropriate only to those who are at the time resident in the Hawaiian
Islands.
(3) Sect. II. The covert was to ambush the hunter.
(4) Sect. II. A net with a wide mouth was laid in the track in which
the biids walked to reach their nest.
(5) Se»:t. 16. Elepnio. By its early morning song it was the fateful
cause of interri'ption to many a heroic midnight enterprise in ancient
song and legend.
(6) Sect. 27. Po'poki is an imitative word from **'poor pussy;" oau
is imitated from the call made by the cat itself.
(7) Sect. 27. The pig, puaa, and the dog, ilio, were here in Hawaii
long before the first wliite man landed on these shores; they are not
modern importations. The same is true of the domestic fowl. This can
be proved by old prayers and mrles. The word moa applied to the
common fowl is the same as the Maori word.
(.8) Sect. 28. Koloa is the name generally applied to the wild mus-
covy duck. To the tame fowl which the white man did bring across the
sea is generally given the name ka-ka.
67
CHAPTER XIV.
ARTICLES OF FOOD AND DRINK IN HAWAII.
1. The food staple most desired in Hawaii nei was the taro
(kalo, Arum esculentum). When beaten into poi, or made up into
bundles of hard poi^ called pai-ai, omao, or holo-ai,^ it is a delicious
food. Taro is raised by planting the stems The young and tender
leaves are cooked and eaten as greens called hi-aUy likewise the
stems under the name of ha-ha, Poi is such an agreeable food that
taro is in great demand. A full meal of poi, however, causes one
to be heavy and sleepy.
2. There are many varieties of taro.- These are named ac-
cording to color, black, white, red and yellow, besides which the
natives have a great many other names. It is made into kulolo
(by mixture with the tender meat of the cocoanut), also into a
draught termed apu which is administered to the sick ; indeed its
uses are numerous.
3. The sweet potato (tcala), (the Maori kumara), was an im-
portant article of food in Hawaii nei ; it had many varieties^ which
were given names on the same principle as that used in naming
taro, viz: white, black, red, yellow, etc.
4. The uala grows abundantly on the kula lands, or dry plains.
It is made into a kind of poi or eaten dry. It is excellent when
roasted, a food much to be desired. The body of one who makes
his food of the sweet potato is plump and his flesh clean and fair,
whereas the flesh of him who feeds on taro-poi is not so clear and
wholesome.
5. The u-ala ripens quickly, say in four or five months after
planting, whereas the taro takes twelve months to ripen. Animals
fed on the sweet potato take on fat well ; its leaves (when cooked)
are eaten as greens and called palnla. Sweet potato sours quickly
when mixed into poi, whereas poi made from taro is slow to fer-
ment. The sweet potato is the chief food-staple of the dry, upland
plains. At the present time the potato is used in making swipes.
The sweet potato is raised by planting the stems.
6. The yam, or uhi (Dioscorea) is an important article of food.
In raising it, the body of the vegetable itself is planted. It does
not soon spoil if uncooked. It is not made up into poi, but eaten
68
while still warm from the^oven, or after roasting. The yam is
used in the preparation of a drink for the sick.
7. The nhi or bread-fruit is very much used as a food by the
natives, after being ov£n-cooked or roasted ; it is also pounded into
a delicious poi, pepeiee. It is propagated (by planting shoots or
scions.)
8. The banana (viaia) was an important article of food,
honey-sweet, when fully ripe, and delicious when roasted on the
coals or oven-cooked, but it does not satisfy. It was propagated
from offshoots.
9. The ohia — or ''mountain apple" — was a fruit that was much
eaten raw. It was propagated from the seed.* The squash is eaten
only after cooking.
10. The following articles were used as food in the time of
famine: the ha-pti-u fern (the fleshy stem of the leaf-stalk) ; the
ma'u and the i-i-i (the pithy flesh within the woody exterior).
These (ferns) grow in that section of the mountain-forest called
zvao-mankelc, (See Chap VII. Sect. 12.) The outer woody shell
is first chipped away with an ax, the soft interior is then baked in
a large underground oven overnight until it is soft when it is
ready for eating. But one is not really satisfied with such food.
11. The tv" {Cordyline terminalis) also furnishes another arti-
cle of food. It grows wild in that section of the forest called wao-
akua (Chap. VII. Sect. 12.) The fleshy root is grubbed up, baked
in a huge, underground oven overnight until cooked. The juice
of the ti-root becomes very sweet by being cooked, but it is not a
satisfying food.
T2. The pi-u (a kind of yam, Dioscorea pentaphylla) is a good
and satisfying food when cooked in the native oven. It is some-
what like the sweet-potato when cooked. The ho-i {Helmia bulb-
ifera) : this is a bitter fruit. After cooking and grating, it has
to be washed in several waters, then strained through cocoanut-
web (the cloth-like material that surrounds the young leaves. —
Translator) until it is sweet. It is then a very satisfying food.
13. The pda-fern (Marattia) also furnished a food. The
base of the leaf-stem was the part used ; it was eaten after being
oven-cooked. This feni grows wild in the woods.
14. The pia (Tacca pinnatifida) is another food-plant, of
which the tubers are planted. When ripe the tubers are grated
69
while yet raw by means of rough stones, mixed with water and
then allowed to stand until it has turned sweet, after which it is
roasted in bundles and eaten. The wild pea, papapa, the nena,
the koali^ (Ipomoea tuberculata) were all used as food in famine-
times.
15. Among the kinds of food brought from foreign countries
are flour, rice, Irish potatoes, beans, Indian com, squashes and
melons, of which the former are eaten after cooking and the
latter raw.
16. ]n Hawaii nei people drink either the water from heaven,
which is called real water (zvai maoli), or the water that comes
from beneath the earth, which is (often) brackish.
Awa was the intoxicating drink of the Hawaiians in old times ;
but in modem times many new intoxicants have been introduced
from foreign lands, as rum, brandy, gin.
17. People also have learned to make intoxicating swipes from
fermented potatoes, watermelon, or the fruit of the ohia.*^
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIV.
(i) Sect. I. Hard poi, that is, pounded tare unmixed with water, is
made up into bundles, which on Oahu and Molokai were rouhd and cov-
ered with the leaves of the ti plant. On Hawaii and on Maui they were
long and cylindrical and were covered with banana stalks or the leaf
of the pandanus, and were called omao or holo-ai.
(2) Sect. 2. The names ^iven to the different varieties of taro might
be reckoned by the score. In spite of Mr. Malo's assertion, color seems
to have had but little to do with the determination of the name. To
mention a few representative names, the ka-i, which made the very best
of poi, was of firm consistency, of a steel-blue color, and of an agreeable
sweetish taste; the hao-kea of a light grey color, softer consistency and
more neutral flavor ; between these two, which may be taken as represent-
ing the extremes, are ranged a multitude of varieties representing all
the intervening shades of blue and grey. The ipu-o-lono and apu-wai
are of medium blue-grey color and consistency, representing a mean be-
tween the extremes mentioned. The pii-alii (king's desire) is of a pinky-
purplish hue and makes a delicate poi that is regarded as the most
choice of all varieties.
(3) Sect. 3. This remark does not do justice to the facts. The names
given to the different species of uala and of taro as well show accurate
observation and good powers of description. One variety was named lau-
lii, small leaf, another piko nui, big navel, another hua-moa, hen's egg,
etc.
70
(4) Sect. 9. By some mistake the author says that the ohia is prop-
agated from branches or cuttings. Only the seed is used. One might as
well expect a branch of oak to grow as a branch of ohia.
(5) Sect. II. The action of this famine-diet is well described in the
following triplet:
"/ ka wa wi, %vi, wi,
Ai ka ti, ti, ti,
A hi, hi, hi/'
(6) Sect. 14. Koali. The juice of the leaves and stems of the koali was
used as a cathartic in Hawaiian medicine. Its effects are powerful.
(7) Sect. 17. Ohole-ha& — so called from the small round hole of the
iron pipe from which the liquor dripped — is a liquor distilled from the
fermented juice of the ti-root. It is said to be of excellent quality,
resembling New England rum.
CHAPTER XV.
THE FISHES.
1. There are many distinct species of fish in Hawaii. All
products of the ocean, whether they move or do not move, are
called fish (i'a)} There are also fish in the inland waters.
2. The mosses in fresh and salt water are classed with the
fish (as regards food). There are many varieties of moss, which
are named from their peculiarities, from color, red or black, or
from their flavor. The 0-0-pu (a small eel-like fish), and the
shrimp (opae) are the fish of fresh water.
3. The fish from shoal and from deep water differ from each
other. Some fish are provided with feet, some are beset with
sharp bones and spines. Some fish crawl slowly along, clinging
to the rocks, while others swim freely about, of which there are
many different kinds, some small, some peaked {o-e-o-e; this
is also the name of a fish) ; some flattened, some very flat, some
long, some white, some red, many different species in the ocean.
5. The following fish have feet with prongs: the
hihiwai, elepi (a four-footed sea-animal), ele-mihi^ the
kukuma (a whitish crab), the kumimi (a poisonous crab),
the papa, the pa-pai (a wholesome crab), papai-lanai, the
lobster or ula, the alo, the popoki, the ouiiauna, and the shrimp
or opae. These are all good food save the kumimi That is poi-
sonous and is not eaten.
71
6. I will now mention some fish that are beset with spines:
the ina, hawae, and wana;^ the ha-uke-uke, and the hakue. These
fish are all fit to be eaten ; their flesh is within their shell. The
kokala, oopu-hue and keke are also fish that are covered with
spines; they move swiftly through the water and are eaten as
food. Death is sometimes caused by eating- the oopu-hue>
7. The following fish are covered with heavy shells : the pipipi
(one of the Nerita, which is excellent eating. — Translator), the
alea-alea, the aoa, the kumtaka, the pupu (a generic name for all
shells at the present time), the kuoho, the pu-hookani or
conch, the pupu-aiiu, the olepe (a bivalve), the ole, the oaoaka^
the ^lahana-wele, the uli, the pipi, the maha-moe, the opihi, the
cowry or leho, the panor-pana-puhi, the piipti-loloa. This is of
course not the whole list of what are called fish.
8. The following are fish that move slowly : the naka, the few-
alakai, the ku-noti-nou, the kor^a-Ielezva, the loli or beche de mer,
the mai'hole, the kua-naka, the mini-ole, the lepe-lepe-ohina.
These are not fish of fine quality, though they are eaten.
9. The following small-fry are seen along shore — they are
swift of motion: the young {pua or flowers) of the mullet or
anae (when of medium size it is called ama-ama), of the awa,
aholehole, hinana, nehu, iao, piha, opnn-pint ohua-palemo, paoa,
oluhe-luhcy ohune, moi'lii, and the akeke. All of these fish are
used as food. Doubtless I have omitted the mention of some.
10. The following fish have bodies with eminences or sharp
protuberances (kino oeoe) : the paeaea, paniho-loa, olali, hinalea,
aki-lolo, amif mananalo, avjela, maha-zuela, hotiy hilu, omalemale,
o-niho-niho opule, laii-ia, nlae, aoao-zvela, upa-palu, uhii-eleele,
laOj palao, oama, and the aazva. No doubt I have omitted some
of them. These fish are excellent eating.
11. The following fish have flattened bodies: the aloi-loiy ku-
pipij ao-ao-nuiy mai-i-iy kole, manini, mamamo^ mao-mao, lau-haii,^
laui-pala, mai-ko, maao, htiinu-humii, kihi-kihi, kika-kapu, ka-pu-
hiliy oili-lapOy pa-kii, paa-paa, iiwi-wi, tcmauma-lei, zvalu; and
probably these are not all of them. These fish are good eating.
12. The following are fish with bodies greatly flattened: the
kala, palanu nanue, piha-weu-zveu, pa-kukui, and the api,
13. The following fish have bodies of a silvery color: the
72
ahole (same as the ahole-ahole) , anae (full grown mullet), azva^
uoa, O'io, opelUj mo-i, ii-lna, ulna-mohair a-ku, ahi, omaka, kawa-
kazva, moku-le-iay la-i, and the hoaiia, all of which are good eating.
14. The following are fish with long bodies: the ku-pou-pou,
aha, nutiu, au-a'u, wela, wolu, ono, aulepe, ha-uli-uli; these fish
are used as food.
15. The following fish have bodies of a red color: the a-ala-
ihiy U'ii, vioano, zceke (of a pink, salmon and fawn color, a fine
fish), a-ii'c-o-'K'c-o,^ kii-iuu, pa-ko-le-ko-le, uhu-ula, pa-ou-ou,
c-pa-ka-pa-ka, ula-ula, ko-a-e, piha-iveu-iveu, o-ka^le-ka-le, muku-
tnuku'zvaha-nui. These fish are all wholesome food ; though prob-
ably my list is not complete.
16. The following fish are furnished with rays or arms {awe-
aive) : the octopus (hc-e), and the inu-he-e (squid?) which are
eaten ; also the hc-c-ma-ko-ko which is bitter.
17. The following sea-animals have a great resemblance to
each other: the sea-turtle or honu, from whose shell is made an
instrument useful in scraping olona bark, also in making hair-
comps in modern times; the c-n, a species of sea-turtle, whose
shell was used in making fish-hooks. The honu is excellent eating,
but the flesh of the ca is poisonous.
18. The inano or shark has one peculiarity, he is a man-eater.
His skin is used in making drums for the worship of idols, also for
the hula and the ka-ekC'Ckc drum. The ka-ha-la and the mahi-
tnahi are quite unlike other fishes. Their flesh is excellent eating.
19. The following are fish that breathe on the surface of the
ocean: the porpoise or na-ia, nuao, pa-hu, and the whale {ko-ho-
Ig), The kohohi or whale was formerly called the pa-lao-a,'^ These
fish, cast ashore by the sea, were held to be the property of the
king. Roth the hofiu and the ca come to the surface to breathe.
2(^. I'he following fish are provided with (long fins like)
Avings: the lolo-au ma-lolo (the flying-fish), the puhi-kii (puhi-ki
is a mistaken orthography), lupc, hihi-manu, haha-lua, and the
hai-lcpo. These fishes are all used as food, but they are not of
the finest flavor. No doubt many fish have failed of mention.
NOTES ox CHAPTER XV.
(i) Sect, 1. /\i. from this word the k, which still remains in its re-
lated form t-kii of the Maori language, has been dropped out; its grave
73
is still marked, however, in the Hawaiian by a peculiar break, the result
of a sudden glottic closure. It means primarily fi?h; also any kind of
meat or animal food, and in the absence of these, any savory vegetable,
which as a relish temporarily takes the place of animal food, is for the
time spoken of as the i-a for that meal. Thus it is common to say, luau
was our i'a on such an occasion. Even salt, paa-kai, is sometimes spoken
of as the i*a for a particular meal or in time of want. In the Malay
language the word for fish is ikan.
(2) Seel. 5. Alamihi. A small crab, also called the ala-mihi, spoken
of as the corpse-eating alamihi, ka alamihi ai kupapau. In spite of its
scavenging propensities this crab is eaten, and it was undoubtedly one
of the means of spreading cholera in Honolulu in 1895.
(3) Sect. 6. All of these are echini. The spines of the wana are very
long, fine and sharp as a needle.
(4) Sect. 6. In the oopu-hue the poisonous part is the gall. By care-
fully dissecting out the gall-bladder without allowing the escape of any
of its contents, the fish may be eaten with impunity. Its flavor is de-
licious.
(5) Sect. II. Lau-hau. Its patches of gold and dark brown, resem-
bling the ripe leaf of the hau, it give this name.
(6) Sect 15. Aweowco, also called ala-lau-a. The appearance of this
fish in large numbers about the harbor of Honolulu was formerly re-
garded as an omen of death to some alii.
(7) Sect. 19. The palaoa is the sperm whale.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE TAPAS, MALOS, PAUS AND MATS OF THE HAWAIIANS.
1. Tapa was the fabric that formed the clothing of the Ha-
waiians. It was made from the bark of certain plants, wauke,
mamakey macloa, and poulu, the skin of young bread-fruit shoots.^
Wauke (Broussonetia papyrifera) was extensively cultivated and
the preparation and manufacture of it was as follows: It was
the man's work to cut down the branches, after which the women
peeled off (uhole) the bark and, having removed the cortex, put
the inner bark to soak until it had become soft.
2. After this it was beaten on the log (kua) with a club called
i-e (or i-e kuku. The round club, hohoa, was generally used in
the early stage of preparation) until it was flattened out. This
was continued for four days, or much longer sometimes, and
when the sheet (being kept wet all the time) had been worked
74
until it was broad and thin, it was spread out and often turned,
and when dry this was the fabric used as blankets, loin-skirts
(pa-u) for the women, and, when made into narrower pieces, as
loin-cloths (nialos) for the men.^
3. The mamake {Pipturus albidus) was another of the plants
whose bark was made into tapa and used as blankets, malos and
pa-us. This was a tree that grew wild in the woods. It was col-
lected by the women who stripped off the bark and steamed it in
the oven with pala-a, (a fern that yielded a dark-red coloring-
matter). If not steamed and stained with pala-a the tapa made
from it was called kapa-kele-wai.
4. Like zvaiike, it was first soaked until pulpy, when it was
beaten on the tapa-log with a club until it had been drawn out
thin — this might require three or four days — aftei which it was
spread out to dry in the sun, and was then used as sheets or
blankets, clothing, malos, pans. The mamake made a very dur-
able tapa and could be worn a long time.
5. The bark of the maaloa and po-ulu, the bark of tender
bread-fruit shoots were also beaten into tapa. The method of
manufacture was the same as that of wanke and mamake. There
were many varieties of tapa, sheets, blankets, robes, malos, pa-us,
etc., which the women decorated in diflferent patterns with black,
red, green, yellow and other colors.
6. If, after being stained with the juice of kukui-rooty called
hill, it was colored with an earth, the tapa was called pu-lo'ti; an-
other name for it was o-ti-holo-nm.
7. If the tapa was colored with ma*o (Gossypium tomento-
sum)it was called ma'o-ma'o, green. If stained with the hoolei,
(Ochrosia sandwicensis) it took on a yellow color. If unstained
the tapa was white. If red cloth was mixed with it in the beat-
ing, the tapa was called pa'i-nla, or red-print.^
8. There was a great variety of names derived from the
colors (and patterns) stamped upon them by the women.
9. The loin-skirts {pau) of the women were colored in many
different ways. If stained with turmeric, the pan was called kama-
lenoy if with cocoanut, it was called hala^kea^ Most of the names
applied to the different varieties of pau were derived from the
manner in which the women stained (and printed) them.^
75
lo. In the same way most of the names applied to varieties
of the malo were likewise derived from the manner of staining
(and printing) them. If stained with the noni (Morinda citrifolia)
it was a kna-ula, a red-back, or a pu-kohu-kohu, or a pua-kai, sea-
flower. A pau dyed with turmeric was soft, while some other
kinds of pmi were stiff. The names applied to paus were as
diverse as the patterns imprinted on them ; and the same was the
case, with the malo, of which one pattern was called puali and
another kupeke,
12. These were the fabrics which the ancient Hawaiians used
for their comfort, and in robing themselves withal, as loin-girdles
for the men, and as loin-skirts for the women.
13. They braided mats® from the leaves of a tree called the
hala (pandanus). The women beat down the leaves with sticks,
wilted them over the fire, and then dried them in the sun. After
the young leaves (muo) had been separated from the old ones
(laele) the leaves were made up into rolls.
14. This done (and the leaves having been split up into strips
of the requisite width) they were plaited into mats. The young
leaves (mu-oy made the best mats, and from them were made
the sails for the canoes. Mats were also made from the makaloa,
2L fine rush, which were sometimes decorated with patterns in-
wrought (pawehe) . A mat of superior softness and fineness was
made from the naku, or tule.
15. These things were articles of the greatest utility, being
used to cover the floor, as clothing, and as robes. This work was
done by the women, and was a source of considerable profit; so
that the women who engaged in it were held to be well off, and
were praised for their skill. Such arts as these were useful to the
ancient Hawaiians and brought them wealth.
16. From the time of Kamehameha I down to the present reign
of Kamehameha III we have been supplied with cloth imported
from foreign lands. These new stuffs we call lole'^ (to change).
It has many names according to the pattern.
NOTES ON CHAPl'ER XVI.
(i) Sect, I. Many other fibres not mentioned by Mr. Malo were used
in making tapa, such as the olona and the hibiscus (hau), not to men-
tion the mulberry since its introduction in modern times.
76
(2) Sect. 2. The Hawaiiaiis had no means of cutting their tapa cor-
responding to our shears. They knew nothing of the art of the tailor.
As a piece of tapa was designed, so it remained to the end of its his-
tory, whether it were to serve as a cover at night — sheet or blanket — sl
toga-like robe of warmth and etiquette, kihet, or the democratic ntalo or
pau. The malo was of more pliable material as a rule than the kihei;
its width was generally nine to ten inches, its length from three to four
yards. The patterns used on the malo were different from those used in
decorating the pau; and the same remark applies to the kihei.
(3) Sect. 7. In modern times foreign cloth, especially turkey-red has
been used as a source from which to obtain dye. Red or yellow earths
and ochre, as well as charcoal, were used in the make up of pigments.
The Hawaiians did not use a glaze or varnish, after the manner of the
Sanioans, in finishing their tapas.
(4) Sect. 9. The oily juice of the fully ripe cocoanut meat, mixed
with turmeric and the juice of a fragrant mountain vine, kupa-o-a, was
used to impart an agreeable odor to the malo of an alii. It also gave
it a yellowish color. Mamake tapa was often treated in this way. Sandal-
wood and the fragrant mokihana berry were also used to impart an agree-
able odor to tapa.
(5) Sect. 9. No mention is made by the author of the art of print-
ing tapa by n^eans of stamps, which were generally made of bamboo.
They were very extensively used and were in great variety of pattern.
These printing blocks were named laau-ka-pala-pala.
v6) Sect. 13. Mats were made from a dozen other things besides the
hala-leaf. Niihau was famed for producing the most beautiful mats.
The mats of the Micronesian and Gilbert islands, the people of which
belong to the class of weavers, are superior to those of the Hawaiian
archipelago.
(7) Sect. 16. The Hawaiians distinctly belonged to that class of the
Polynesians which may be called the tapa-heaters, in distinction from the
wea\ers. When soiled or dirty, tapa was thrown away.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE STONE AX AND THE NEW AX.
I. The ax of the Hawaiians was of stone. The art of making
it was handed dov/n from remote ages. Ax-makers were a greatly
esteemed class in Hawaii nei. Through their craft was obtained
the means of felling trees and of cutting and hewing all kinds of
timber used in every sort of wood-work. The manner of making
an ax was as follows:
77
2. The ax-makers (poe ka-ko'i) prospected through the
mountains and other places in search of hard stones suitable for
ax-making, carrying with them certain other pieces of hard stone,
some of them angular and some of them round in shape, called
haku ka-koi, to be used in chipping and forming the axes.
3. After splitting the rock and obtaining a long fragment,
they placed it in a liquor made from vegetable juices (zvai-laau)'^
which was supposed to make it softer, and this accomplished, they
chipped it above and below, giving it the rude shape of an ax.
4. The lower part of the ax which is rounded (e polipoli ana)
IS termed the pipi; the upper part which forms an angle with it
is termed the hau-hana. When the shape of the thing has been
blocked out, they apply it to the grind-stone, hoana/^ sprinkled
with sand and water. The upper side and the lower side were
ground down and then the edge was sharpened. The joiner's ax
(koi kapili) had a handle of hau, or some other wood.
5. The next thing was to braid some string, to serve as a lash-
ing, to fit the handle to the ax, to wrap a protecting cloth (pale)
about it (in order to save the lashing from being cut by the
chips), and lastly, to bind the ax firmly to the handle, which done,
the ax was finished. The ax now became an object of barter with
this one and that one, and thus came into the hands of the canoe-
maker.
6. The shell called o-le^ served as an ax for some purposes,
also a hard wood called ala-hee. There were a few axes made
from (scraps of) iron, but the amount of iron in their possession
was small. It was with such tools as these that the Hawaiians
hewed out their canoes, house-timber and did a great variety of
wood-work. The ax was by the ancients reckoned an article of
great value. How pitiful!
7. Now come new kinds of axes from the lands of the white
man. But iron had reached Hawaii before *the arrival of the for-
eigner, a jetsam iron which the chiefs declared sacred to the gods.
(He hao pae, tia hat na 'Hi i na 'ktia kit.)
8. There was, however, verv little iron here in those old times.
But from the days of Kamehameha I down to those of Kameha-
meha HI, iron lias been abundant in this country.
9. Iron is plentiful now, and so are all kinds of iron tools, in-
cluding the kitchen-ax, the hatchet, the adze, broad-ax, chisel, etc.
78
These are the new tools which have been imported. The stone-
ax (koi-pohaku) is laid aside.
(i) Sect. 3. I am informed that this wai-hau was composed of the juice
of the pala'e fern mixed with careen kukui nuts. After keeping the stone
in the liquor a few days it was thought to become softer and more easy
to work.
(2) Sect. 4. In spite of the resemblance of the word hoana to our word
hone, it seems to be a genuine Hawaiian word of ancient origin. In N. Z
it is hoanga, in Raro-tonga oanga.
(3) Sert 6. "O ka ole he hoi kai,
O ke alahe'e ke koi o uha"
The ole is the ax of the shore,
The alahe'e is the ax of the inland.
The ole is a sea-?.hell, the alahee a hard wood found in the up-
land. The adzes made of these were not equal to the stone axes, but
were useful in cutting soft woods, such as the wili-wili, kukui, etc.
N. B. On Mauna-kea — and probably such places have been found
elsewhere — has been found a qTtarry, from which must have been taken in
;incient times the material for stone axes. Judging from the quantity
of chips and debris the amount of material removed from the place was
very great. Broken axes and axes in various stages of finish and partial
completion were also found. An ax-quarry anciently existed on Mauna
Loa at the western end of Molokai, at a place named Ka-lua-ka ko'i.
The term ala is generally applied to the material, the kind of stone of
which the Hawaiian ax was made, and the ax was often called koi ala.
Ala is a dark, heavy, close-grained basalt.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE ALUS AND THE COMMON PEOPLE.
I. The physical characteristics of the chiefs and the common
people of Hawaii nei were the same; they were all of one race;
alike in features and physique.^ Commoners and aliis were all
descended from the same ancestors, Wakea and Papa. The whole
people were derived from that couple. There was no difference
between king and plebeian as to origin. It must have been after the
time of Wakea that the separation of the chiefs frcwn the people
:took place.
79
2. It is probable that because it was impossible for all the peo-
ple to act in concert in the government, in settling the difficulties,
lifting the burdens, and disentangling the embarrassments of the
people from one end of the land to the other that one was made
king, with sole authority to conduct the government and to do all
its business. This most likely was the reason why certain ones were
selected to be chiefs. But we are not informed who was the first
one chosen to be king; that is only a matter of conjecture.
3. The king was appointed (hoonoho ia mai; set up would be
a more literal translation) that he might help the oppressed who
appealed to him, that he might succor those in the right and pun-
ish severely those in the wrong. The king was over all the people ;
he was the supreme executive, so long, however, as he did right.
4. His executive duties in the government were to gather the
people together in time of war, to decide all important questions
of state, and questions touching the life and death of the common
people as well as of the chiefs and his comrades in arms. It was
his to look after the soldiery. To him belonged the property de-
rived from the yearly taxes, and he was the one who had the
power to dispossess commoners and chiefs of their lands.
5. It was his to assess the taxes both on commoner and on
chiefs and to impose penalties in case the land-tax was not paid.
He had the power to appropriate, reap or seize at pleasure, the
goods of any man, to cut off the ear of another man's pig, (thus
making it his own). It was his duty to consecrate the temples, to
oversee the performance of religious rites in the temples of human
sacrifice, (net heiau poo-kanaka, oia hoi na luakini) that is, in the
luakini, io preside over the celebration of the Afa^aAi^i- festival,
and such other ceremonies as he might be pleased to appoint.
6. From these things will be apparent the supremacy of the
king over the people and chiefs. The soldiery were a factor that
added to the king's pre-eminence.
It was the policy of the government to place the chiefs who were
destined to rule, while they were still young, with wise persons,
that they might be instructed by skilled teachers in the principles
of government, be taught the art of war, and be made to acquire
personal skill and bravery.
7. The young man had first to be subject to another chief, that
he might be disciplined and have experience of poverty, hunger.
80
want and hardship, and by reflecting on these things learn to care
for the people with gentleness and patience, with a feeling of sym-
pathy for the common people, and at the same time to pay due
respect to the ceremonies of religion and the worship of the gods,
to live temperately, not violating virgins (aole lima koko kohe),^
conducting the government kindly to all.
8. This is the way for a king to prolong his reign and cause
his dynasty to be perpetuated, so that his government shall not be
overthrown. Kings that behave themselves and govern with hon-
esty, — their annals and genealogies will be preserved and treasured
by the thoughtful and the good.
9. Special care was taken in regard to chiefs of high rank to
secure from them noble offspring, by not allowing them to form
a first union with a woman of lower rank than themselves, and
especially not to have them form a first union with a common or
plebeian woman (ivahine noa),
10. To this end diligent search was first made by the genealo-
gists into the pedigree of the woman, if it concerned a high born
prince, or into the pedigree of the man, if it concerned a princess
of high birth, to find a partner of unimpeachable pedigree; and
only when such was found and the parentage and lines of ancestry
clearly established, was the young man (or young woman) allowed
to form his first union, in order that the offspring might be a great
chief.
11. When it was clearlv made out that there was a close con-
nection, or identity, of ancestry between the two parties, that was
the woman with whom the prince was first to pair. If the union
was fruitful, the child would be considered a high chief, but not of
the highest rank or tabu. His would be a kafu a noho, that is
the people and chiefs of rank inferior to his must sit in his
presence.
12. A suitable partner for a chief of the highest rank was his
own sister, begotten by the same father and mother as himself.
Such a pairing was called a pi'o (a bow, a loop, a thing bent on
itself) ; and if the union bore fruit, the child would be a chief of
the highest rank, a ninau pio, so sacred that all who came into his
presence must prostrate themselves. He was called divine, akua.
Such an alii would not go abroad by day but only at night, be-
81
cause if he went abroad in open day (when people were about their
usual avocations), every one had to fall to the ground in an atti-
tude of worship.
13. Another suitable partner for a great chief was his half-
sister, bom, it might be of the same mother, but of
a different father, or of the same father but of a different
mother. Such a union was called a naha. The child would be a
great chief, niau-pio; but it would have only the kapu-a-noho
(sitting tabu).
14. If such unions as these could not be obtained for a great
chief, he would then be paired with the daughter of an elder or
younger brother, or of a sister. Such a union was called a hoi
Tretum). The child would be called a niaii-pio, and be possessed
of the kapu-moe,
15. This was the practice of the highest chiefs that their first
bom might be chiefs of the highest rank, fit to succeed to the
throne.
16. It was for this reason that the genealogies of the kings
were always preserved by their descendants, that the ancestral
lines of the great chiefs might not be forgotten; so that all the
people might see clearly that the ancestors on the mother's side
were all great chiefs, with no small names among them ; also that
the father's line was pure and direct. Thus the chief became peer-
less, without blemish, sacred {kithau-hia, ila-ole, hemolele).
17. In consequence of this rule of practice, it was not considered
a thing to be tolerated that other chiefs should associate on famil-
iar terms with a high chief, or that one's claim of relationship with
him should be recognized until the ancestral lines of the claimant
had been found to be of equal strength (jnanoanoa, thickness) with
those of the chief; only then was it proper for them to call the
chief a maka-maka (friend, or intimate — niaka means eye).
18. Afterwards, when the couple had begotten children of their
own, if the man wished to take another woman — or the woman an-
other man — even though this second partner were not of such
choice blood as the first, it was permitted them to do so. And if
children were thus begotten they were called kaikainay younger
brothers or sisters of the great chief, and would become the back-
bone (iiiri-kua-moo) , executive officers (ila-inukti) of the chief,
the ministers (kuhina) of his government.
82
IQ. The practice with certain chiefs was as follows: if the
mother was a high chief, but the father not a chief, the child would
rank somewhat high as a chief and would be called an alii papa (a
chief with a pedigree) on account of the mother's high rank.
20. If the father v^as a high chief, and the mother of low rank,
but a chief ess, the child would be called a kau-kaii-alii. In case
the father was a chief and the mother of no rank whatever, the
child would be called a ktilu, a drop ; another name was ua-iki, a
slight shower; still another name was kukae-popolo. (I will not
translate this). The purport of these appellatives is that chiefish
rank is not clearly established.
21. If a woman who was a kaukau-aliij living with her own
husband, should have a child by him and should then give it away
in adoption to another man, who was a chief, the child would be
an alii-poo-hia, a two-headed chief.
22. Women very often gave away their children to men with
whom they had illicit relations.^ It was a common thing for a chief
to have children by this and that woman with whom he had en-
joyed secret amours. Some of these children were recognized
and some were not recognized.
23. One of these illegitimates would be informed of the fact of
his chiefish ancestry, though it might not be generally known
to the public. The child in such case, was called an alii kuauhau
(chief with an ancestry), from the fact that he knew his pedi-
gree and could thus prove himself an alii.
24. Another one would merely know that he had alii blood in
his veins, and on that account perhaps he would not suffer his
clothing to be put on the same frame or shelf as that of another
person. Such an one was styled a clothes-rack-chief (alii-kau-
holo-papa) , because it was in his solicitude about his clothes-rack
that he distinguished himself as an alii.
25. It a man through having become a favorite (punahcle)
or an intimate (aikane) of an alii, afterwards married a woman of
alii rank, his child by her would be called a kau-kau-alii^, or an
alii maoli (real alii.) ,
26. A man who was enriched by a chief with a gift of land or
other property was called an alii lalo-lalo, a low down chief. Per-
sons were sometimes called alii by reason of their skill or strength.
Such ones were alii only by brevet title.
83
27. The great chiefs were entirely exclusive, being hedged
about with many tabus, and a large number of people were slain
for breaking, or infringing upon, these tabus. The tabus that
hedged about an alii were exceedingly strict and severe. Tra-
dition does not inform us what king established these tabus. In
my opinion the establishment of the tabu-system is not of very
ancient date, but comparatively modern in origin.
28. If the shadow of a man fell upon the house of a tabu-chief,
that man must be put to death, and so with any one whose shadow
fell upon the back of the chief, or upon his robe or malo, or upon
anything that belonged to the chief. If any one passed through
the private doorway of a tabu-chief, or climbed over the stocknde
about his residence, he was put to death.^
29. If a man entered the alii's house without changing his wet
malo, or with his head smeared with mud, he was put to death.
Even if there were no fence surrounding the alii's residence, only
a mark, or faint scratch in the ground hidden by the grass, and a
man were to overstep this line unwittingly, not seeing it, he would
be put to death.
30. When a tabu-chief ate, the people in his presence must
kneel, and if any one raised his knee from the ground, he was put
to death. If any man put forth in a kio-loa^ canoe at the same lime
as the tabu-chief, the penalty was death.
31. If any one girded himself with the king's malo, or put on
the king's robe, he was put to death. There were many other tabus,
some of them relating to the man himself and some to the king,
for violating which any one would be put to death.
32. A chief who had the kapn-moe — as a rule — went abroad
only at night ; but if he travelled in daytime a man went before
him with a flag calling out "kapu ! moe !" whereupon all the peo-
ple prostrated themselves. When the containers holding the
water for his bath, or when his clothing, his malo, his food, or any-
thing that belonged to him, was carried along, every one must
prostrate himself; and if any remained standing, he was put to
death. Kiwalao was one of those who had this kapu-moe.
33. An alii who had the kapu-wohi^ and his ^a/n7/-bearer, who
accompanied him, did not prostrate himself when the alii with the
kapU'ZVchi came along; he just kept on his way without removing
his lei or his garment.
84
34. Likewise with the chief who possessed the kapu-a-noho,
when his food-calabashes, bathing water, clothing, malo, or any-
thing that belonged to him, was carried along the road, the person
who at such a time remained standing was put to death in ac-
cordance with the law of the tabu relative to the chiefs.
35. The punishment inflicted on those who violated the tabu
of the chiefs was to be burned with fire until their bodies were
reduced to ashes, or to be strangled, or stoned to death. Thus it
was that the tabus of the chiefs oppressed the whole people.
36. The edicts of the king had power over life and death. If the
king had a mind to put some one to death, it might be a chief or a
commoner, he uttered the word and death it was.
37. But if the king chose to utter the word of life, the man's
life was spared.
38. The king, however, had no laws regulating property, or
land, regarding the payment or collection of debts, regulating af-
fairs and transactions among the common people, not to mention
a great many other things.
39. Every thing went according to the will or whim of the
king, whether it concerned land, or people, or anything else — not
according to law.
40. All the chiefs under the king, including the konohikis who
managed their lands for them, regulated land-matters and every-
thing else according to their own notions.
41. There was no judge, nor any court of justice, to sit in
judgment on wrong-doers of any sort. Retaliation with violence
or murder was the rule in ancient times.
42. To run away and hide one's self was the only resource for
an offender in those days, not a trial in a court of justice as at the
present time.
43. If a m.an's wife v/as abducted from him he would go to
the king with a dog as a gift, appealing to him to cause the return
of his wife — or the woman for the return of her husband — ^but the
return of the wife, or of the husband, if brought about, was caused
by the gift of the dog, not in pursuance of any law. If any one
had suffered from a great robbery, or had a large debt owing him,
it was only by the good will of the debtor, not by the operation of
any law regulating such matters that he could recover or obtain
justice. Men and chiefs acted strangely in those days.
85
44- There was a great difference between chiefs. Some were
given to robbery, spoliation, murder, extortion, ravishing. There
were few kings who conducted themselves properly as Kameha-
jneha I did. He looked well after the peace of the land.
45. On. account of the rascality (kolohe) of some of the chiefs
to the common people, warlike contests frequently broke out be-
tween certain chiefs and the people, and many of the former were
killed in battle by the com.moners. The people made war against
bad kings in old times.
46. The amount of property w^hich the chiefs obtained from the
people was very great. Some of it was given in the shape of taxes,
some was the fruit of robbery and extortion.
Now the people in the out-districts (kua-aina) were — as a rule
— ^industrious, while those about court or who lived with the
chiefs — were indolent, merely living on the income of the land.
Some of the chiefs carried themselves haughtily and arrogantly,
being supported by contributions from others without labor of
their own. As was the chief, so were his retainers (kanaka),
47. On this account the number of retainers, servants and
hangers-on about the courts and residences of the kings and high
chiefs was very great. The court of a king offered great at-
tractions to the lazy and shiftless.
48. These people about court were called pu-alfi or ai-alo
(those who eat in the presence), besides which there were many
other names given them. One whom the alii took as an intimate
was called ai-kane. An adopted child was called keiki hookama.
49. The person who brought up an alii and was his guardian
was called a kahu; he who managed the distribution of his prop-
erty was called a pnii-ku. The house where the property of the
alii was stored was called a hale, pa-paa (house with strong fence).
The keeper of the king's apparel (master of the king's robes), or
the place where they were stored, was called hale opeope, the
folding liouse.
50. The steward who had charge of the king's food was
called an 'a- i-puu-piiu, calloused-neck. He who presided over
the king's pot de chambre was called a lomi-lomi, i. e., a masseur.
He who watched over the king during sleep was called kiai-poo,
keeper of the head. The keeper of the king's idol was called
kahu-aktia.
51. The priest who conducted the religious ceremonies in the
86
king's heiau was a kahuna pule. He. who selected the site for
building a heiau and designed the plan of it \vas called a kuhi-
kuhi puU'One.^^ He who observed and interpreted the auguries
of the heavens was called a kilo-lanh A person skilled in strat-
egy and war was called a kaa-kaua. A counselor, skilled in state-
craft, was called a kalai-moku (kalai, to hew; moku, island.)
Those who farmed the lands of the king or chiefs were kono-hiki
52. The man who had no land w^as called a kaa-owe,^^ The
temporary hanger-on was called a kua-lana (lana, to float. After
hanging about the alii's residence for a time, he shifted to some
other alii — Translator) ; another name for such a vagrant was
kuewa (a genuine tramp, who wheedled his way from place to
place). The servants who handled the fly-brushes kahili, about
the king's sleeping place were called haa-kiie; another name for
them was kua-lana-puhi ; or they were called olu-eke-loa-hoo-
kaa-moena}^
S3- Beggars were termed atihau-ptika,^^ or noi (a vociferous
beggar), or makilo (a silent beggar), or apiki.^^
54. One who was bom at the residence of the king or of a
chief was termed a kanaka no-hii-alo, or if a chief, alii no-hii-alo
(noho i ke alo), A chief who cared for the people was said to
be a chief of aan-loa^^ or of mahu-kai-loa. A man who stuck
to the service of a chief through thick and thin and did not de-
sert him in time of war, was called a kanaka no kahi kaua, a man
for the battle-field. This epithet was applied also to chiefs who
acted in the same way.
55. People who were clever in speech and at the same time
skillful workmen were said to be noeau or noiau. There are many
terms applicable to the court, expressive of relations between king
and chiefs and people, which will necessarily escape mention.
56. As to why in ancient times a certain class of people were
ennobled and made into aliis, and another class into subjects
(kanaka), why a separation was 'made betweeen chiefs and com-
moners, has never been explained.
57-58. Perhaps in the earliest times all the people were alii^^
and it was only after the lapse of several generations that a di-
vision was made into commoners and chiefs; the reaspn for this
division being that men in the pursuit of their own gratification
and pleasure wandered off in one direction and another until
they were lost sight of and forgotten.
87
59- Perhaps this theory will in part account for it : a hand-
some, but worthless, chief takes up with a woman of the same
sort, and, their relatives having cast them out in disgust, they
retire to some out of the way place ; and their children, bom in
the back- woods amid rude surroundings, are forgotten.^ "^
60. Another possible explanation is that on account of law-
lessness, rascality, dishonorable conduct, theft, impiousness and
all sorts of criminal actions that one had committed, his fellow
chiefs banished him, and after long residence in some out of the
way place, all recollection of him and his i^edigree was lost.^^
61. Another reason no doubt was that certain ones leading
a vagabond life roamed from place to place until their ances-
tral genealogies came to be despised, (zvahazi^iha ia) and were
finally lost by those whose business it was to preserve them.
This cause no doubt helped the split into chiefs and commoners,
62. The commoners were the most numerous class of people
in the nation, and were known as the nia-ka'aina-na ; another
name by which they were called was hu, (Hu, to swell, mul-
tiply, increase like yeast.) The people who lived on the wind-
ward, that was the back, or koolan side of any island, were
called kua-aina or back-countr>' folks, a term of depreciation,
however.
63. The condition of the common ptx^ple was that of sub-
jection to the chiefs, compelled to do their heavy tasks, burdoneil
and expressed, some even to death. The life of the ixx^ple
was one of patient endurance, of yielding to the chiefs to pur-
chase their favor. The plain man (kanaka) must not complain,
64. If the people were slack in doing the chief's wt>rk they
were expelled from their lands, or even put to death. For such
reasons as this and because of the oppressive exactions made
upon them, the people held the chiefs in groat dread and kx^ked
upon them as gods.
65. Only a small portion of the kings and chiefs nikxl with
kindness; the large majority simply lorded it over the iKH)ple.
66. It was from the common people, however, that the chiefs
received their food and their apparel for men and women, also
their houses and many other things. WIkmi the chiefs went
forth to war some of the commoners also .went out to fight on
the same side with them.
88
67. The makaainana were the fixed residents of the land;
the chiefs were the ones who moved about from place to place.
It was the makaainanas also who did all the work on the land;
yet all they produced from the soil belonged to the chiefs ; and the
power to expel a man from the land and rob him of his pos-
sessions lay with the chief.
68. There were many names descriptive of the niakaainanas.
Those who were bom in the back-districts were called kanaka
no-hii-kua (noho-i-kua) , people of the back. The man who lived
with the chief and did not desert him when war came, was called
a kanaka no lua-kaua, a man for the pit of battle.
69-70. The people were divided into farmers, fishermen,
house-builders, canoe-makers (kalai-^vaa) , etc. They were called
by many different appellations according to the trades they
followed.
71. The (country) people generally lived in a state of chronic
fear and apprehension of the chiefs; those of them, however,
who lived immediately with the chief were (to an extent) re-
lieved of this apprehension.^^
y2. After sunset the candles of knkui-nnts were lighted and
the chief sat at meat. The people who came in at that time
were called the people of lani-ka-e,^^ Those who came in when
the midnight lamp was burning (ma ke kui au-tnoe) were
called the people of pohokano. This lamp was merely to talk by,
there was no eating being done at that time.
73. The people who sat up with the chief until day-break (to
carry-on, tell stories, gossip, or perhaps play some game, like
konane. — Translator) were called ma-ko'ii^^ because that was
the name of the flambeau generally kept burning at that hour.
74. There were three designations applied to the kalai-mokti,
or counselors of state. The kalaimoku who had served under
but one king was called lani-ka'e. He who had served under
two kings was called a pohokano, and if one had served three
kings he was tremed a ma-ko'u. This last class were regarded
as being most profoundly skilled in state-craft, from the fact
that they had had experience with many kings and knew wherein
one king had failed and wherein another had succeeded.
74. It was in this, way that these statesmen had learned — by
experience — that one king by pursuing a certain policy had met
89
with disaster, and how another king, through following;- a differ-
ent policy had been successful. The best course for the king
would have been to submit to the will of the people.
NOTES QN CHAPTER XVIII.
(i) Sect. I. Much has been said about the physique of the Hawaiian
ahi class, its quality, the probability that they were of a different and su-
perior stock, &c., &c. Such talk is a mixture of flattery and of bosh.
One might as well talk of the superiority of the breed of aldermen. When
one considers to what extent the blood of the lower classes found its
way into the veins of the o/«-class, in spite of all tabus and precautions,
and vice versa, all attempts to account for the rotund athleticism of the
Hawaiian alii by any such theory are off the track. Feeding and groom-
ing are sufficient to account for all the facts.
(2) Sect. 7. ^ole lima koko kohc. The literal translation of this
would be non manibus sangui*ie vaginae pollutis. To lie with a woman
at the time of her infirmity was a greater offense than to comm.it a rape.
(:^) Sect. 22. Kau-kau-alii : A Hawaiian explains the use of this
phrase as meaning a step, stepping up to be an alii. Kau means a step-
ping place, or a foot-rest.
(4) Sect. 22. Such relations might be known and approved by the
husband. The unfruitfulness of a marriage relation was a frequent cause
of this practice.
(5) Sect. 25. The figure in this appellation is that of a flight of steps,
i:au, kau, step, step. Such is the explanation given of it by an intelli-
gent Hawaiian.
(6) Sect. 2S. When Umi went to the court of Lil«a to claim that
king as his father, following his mother's instructions, he climbed the
outside pa and then entered into the king's presence by the king's private
entrance, thus by his defiance of tabu asserting his rank. See Chap.
XLIX.
(7) Sect. 30. The kioloa was a long, elegant, swift canoe, used for dis-
play and for racing. If any one were to show himself in one of these
while the chief or king was also on the water, he would be chargeable
with arrogance, lesc majeste, in vying with him in display and thus de-
tracting from the honor due the chief. This tabu did not apply to an
ordinary fishing craft. It was in force imtil the chief had returned to
his residence.
(8) Sect. 33. One informant says the kapu-wohi was possessed by a
young chief who had not yet known carnal intercourse, I do not trust
this statement. Kanipahu, a king of Puna, is said to have been a very
kapu-chicf, to have combined in his own person hapu-moe, kapu ku and
kapu-hele at the same time. How this could be I cannot see. His son,
Kalapana, is said to have had the same range of kapu.
90
(g) Sect. 48. In the original the word is pualii, but that is evidently a
mistake and it should be puali, the literal meaning of which is band or
cohort or company. Pualii is a term specially applied to orphans who
were adopted by a chief or the king.
(10) Sect. 51. Kuhikuhi-puu-onc. One who pointed out the sand-
heaps. The design for a heiau was first* shown rudely in sand.
(11) Sect 52. .An allusion to the rustling of his paper-like robe or
blanket of tapa as he turned from side to side while lounging on his
riat.
(12) Sect. 52. The author has not mentioned the class to whom was
given the expressive name hoopili-mea-ai, hangers-on-for-something-to-
cat
(13) Sect. 53. Full form auhau-puka-a-pae, a slang phrase meaning
to send one on a fool's errand, that being the way in which some of these
gentry were treated.
(14) Sect. 53. Apiki. Tricky; one, for instance, who, on receiving food,
perhaps from several places, instead of taking it to his family, shared it
with his pals.
(15) Sect. 54. Aan-loa, literal meaning long shanks, derivative long-
snftering.
(16) Sect. 57. The development of this thought would have explained
the whole mystery of why one became a king and the others remained
commoners, karnka or makaainana.
(17) Sect. 59. The tacit theory on which this explanation rests is
that the passport to recognition as having a standing in the papa alii,
or as being entitled to recognition as of the alii class, was that one's ped-
igree should be vouched for by the genealogist. One's pedigree being
forgotten he must fall to the rank of the commoner.
(18) Sect. 60 6[. It seems impossible to suppose that in the narrow
limits of any of the Hawaiian islands any one could have wandered far
enough to have become lost to the knowledge of the genealogists.
(19) Sect. 71. That may have been because they had nothing to lose.
The terror of death was passed perhaps. The people in the out-districts
also were more timid and retiring in their manners.
(20) Sect. 72. l.ani-ka'e, or laui-ka'e'e'e. Later and towards the mid-
dle of the night, light was given by the pohokano, which was simply a
hollowed stone containing oil and a wick.
(21) Sect. 73. Ma-ko'-u. This flambeau was for the accommodation
of the fishermen who returned from the sea at this early hour in the
morning. The ma-ko'u was generally a torch of three strings of kukui-
nuts, ihoiho. Ma-ko-u is the name also given to the castor oil bush,
whose seed was sometimes in later times used as lamp-oil.
91
CHAPTER XIX.
4
LIFE IN THE OUT-DISTRICTS AND AT THE KING^S RESIDENCE.
1. The manner of life in the out-districts was not the same
as that about the residence of the chief. In the former the peo-
ple were cowed in spirit, the prey of alarm and apprehension, in
dread of the chiefs man.
2. They were comfortably off, however, well supplied with
everything. Vegetable and animal food, tapa for coverings, gir-
dles and loin-cloths and other comforts were in abundance.
3. To eat abundantly until one was sated and then to sleep
and take one's comfort, that was the rule of the country. Some-
times, however, they did suffer hunger and feel the pinch of
want The thrifty, however, felt its touch but lightly; as a
rule they were supplied with all the comforts of life.
4. The country people were well oflf for domestic animals. It
was principally in the country that pigs, dogs and fowls were
raised, and thence came the supply for the king and chiefs.
5. The number of articles which the country {kua-aina) fur-
nished the establishments of the kings and chiefs was very great.
The country people were strongly attached to their own home-
lands, the full calabash,^ the roasted potatoes, the warm food,
to live in the midst of abundance. Their hearts went out to the
land of their birth.
6. It was a life of weariness, however; they were compelled
at frequent intervals to go here and there, to do this and that
work for the lord of the land, constantly burdened with one
exaction or another.
7. The country people^ were humble and abject; those about
the chiefs overbearing, loud-mouthed, contentious.
8. The wives of the country people were sometimes appropri-
ated by the men about court, even the men were sometimes
separated from their country wives by the women of the court,
and this violence was endured with little or no resistance, be-
cause these people feared that the king might take sides against
them. In such ways as these the people of the kuaaina were
heavily oppressed by the people who lived about court. ^
92
9- Some of the country people were very industrious and
engaged in farming or fishing, while others were lazy and shift-
less, without occupation. A few were clever, but the great ma-
jority were inefficient. There was a deal of blank stupidity
among them.
10. These country people were much g^ven to gathering to-
gether for some profitless occupation or pastime for talk's sake
(hoolua nui)y playing the braggadocio (hoo-pehu-pehu) , when
there was nothing to back up their boasts (oheke ivale). The
games played by the country people were rather different from
those in vogue at court or at the chief's residence. Some people
preferred the country to the court.
11. Many people, however, left the country and by prefer-
ence came to live near the chiefs. These country people were
often oppressive toward each other, but there was a difference
between one countrv district and another.
12. The bulk of the supplies of food and of goods for chiefs
and people was produced in the country districts. These people
were active and alert in the interests of the chiefs.
13. The bnmt of the hard work, whether it was buliding a
temple, hauling a canoe-log out of the mountains, thatching a
house, building a stone-wall, or whatever hard work it might
be, fell chiefly upon the kua-ainas,
14. Life alx>ut court was very different from that in the
country. At court the people were indolent and slack, given to
making excuses (making a pretense of) doing some work, but
never working hard.
15. People would stay with one chief awhile and then move
on to another (pakaitlei). Tliere was no thrift; people were
often hungry and they would go without their regular food for
several days. At times there was great distress and want, fol-
lowed by a period of plenty, if a supply of food was brought
in from the country.
16. When poi and fish were plentiful at court the people ate
with prodigality, but when food became scarce one would satisfy
his hunger only at long intervals (ntaona kalazmlazva. Kawa-
lawala is the received orthography). At times also tapa-cloth
for coverings and girdles, all of which came from the country,
were in abundance at court.
93
jy. At other times people about court, on account of the
scarcity of cloth, were compelled to hide their nakedness with
rnalos improvised from the narrow strips of tapa (hipuupuu)^
that came tied about the bundles of tapa-cloth. A man would
sometimes be compelled to make the kihei which was his gar-
ment during the day, serve him for a blanket by night, or some-
times a man would sleep under the same covering with an-
other man. Some of the people about court were well fur-
nished with all these things, but they were such ones as the
alii had supplied.
i8. Of the people about court there were few who lived in
marriage. The number of those who had no legitimate relations
with women was greatly in the majority. Sodomy* and other
imnatural vices® in which men were the correspondents, forni-
cation and hired prostitution"^ were practiced about court.
19. Some of the sports and games indulged in by the peo-
ple about court were peculiar to them, and those who lived
there became fascinated by the life. The crowd of people who
lived about court was a medley of the clever and the stupid, a
few industrious workers in a multitude of drones.
20. Among those about court there were those who were
expert in all soldierly accomplishments, and the arts of combat
were very much taught. Many took lessons in spear-throwing
{lono-maka-ihe^ ,) spear-thrusting, pole-vaulting (ku-pololu^) ,
single-stick (kaka-laauy^, rough-and-tumble wrestling
(kaala),^^ and in boxing (kui-alua) y^^ All of these arts were
greatly practiced about court.
21. In the cool of the afternoon sham fights were frequently
indulged in; the party of one chief being pitted against the
party of another chief, the chiefs themselves taking part.
22. These engagements were only sham fights and being
merely for sport were conducted with blunted spears, (kaua kio)
or if sharp spears were used it was termed kaua pahu-kala.
These exercises were useful in training the men for war.
23. In spite of all precautions many of the people, even of
the chiefs, were killed in these mock battles. These contests
were practiced in every period in the different islands to show
the chiefs beforehand who among the people were warriors, so
that these might be trained and brought up as soldiers, able to
94
defend the country at such time as the enemy made war upon
it. Some of the soldiers, however, were country people.
24. One of the games practiced among the people about
court was called honuhonu.^^ Another sport was lou-lou}*
Another sport was uma.^^ Hakoko, wrestling; kahau,^^ lua^''.
The people who attended the chiefs at court were more polite
in their manners than the country people, and they looked dis-
dainfully upon country ways. When a chief was given a land
to manage and retired into the country to live, he attempted to
keep up the same style as at court.
25. The people about court were not timid nor easily abashed ;
they were not rough and muscular in physique, but they were
bold and impudent in speech. Some of the country people were
quite up to them, however, and could swagger and boast as if
they had been brought up at court.
26. There was hardly anybody about court who did not prac-
tice robbery, and who was not a thief, embezzler, extortionist
and a shameless beggar. Nearly every one did these things.
2/. As to the women there was also a great difference be-
tween them. Those who lived in the countrv were a hard- work-
ing set, whereas those about court were indolent.
28. The women assisted their husbands ; they went with them
into the mountains to collect and prepare the bark of the wauke,
mamake, maaloa and bread-fruit, and the flesh of the fern-shoot
{pala-holoY^ to be made into tapa.. She beat out these fibres
into tapa and stamped the fabrics for pans and malos, that she
and her husband might have the means with which to barter
for the supply of their wants.
29. The country women nursed their children with the milk
of their own breasts, and when they went to any work they
took them along with them. But this was not always the case;
for if a woman had many relations, one of them, perhaps her
mother (or aunt), would hold the child. Also if her husband
was rich she would not tend the child herself; it would be done
for her by some one hired for the purpose, or by a friend.
30. The indolent women in the country were very eager to
have a husband who was well off, that they might live without
work. Some women offered worship and prayers to the idol-
95
gods that they might obtain a wealthy man, or an alii for a hus-
band. In the same way, if they had a son, they prayed to the
idols that he might obtain a rich woman or a woman of rank
for his wife, so that they might live without work.
31. It was not the nature of the women about court to beat
tapa or to print it for pans and malos. They only made such
articles as the alii specially desired them to make.
32. All the articles for the use of the people about court,
the robes, malos, pans, and other necessaries (mea e pono ai)
were what the chiefs received from the people of the country.
33. One of the chief employments of the women about court
was to compose meles in honor of the a/n/® which they recited
by night as well as by day.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIX.
(j) Sect. 5. "Ipu ka eo, or unieke ka eo" was an epithet applied to the
full calabash. An empty calabash was umcke pala ole" i. e., an unripe
calabash.
(2) Sect. 7. This remark does not apply to the people of the Kau
district on Hawaii. They had a reputation for being quick to assert their
rights. Kau was called the rebellious district.
('3) Sect. 8. If an insolent courtier were to see that a country clown
had a beautiful woman for a wife he would say to her, "You come
along with me," and the country clown would be too spiritless to make
any resistance. Or one of the women about court,, meeting a handsome
young countryman whom she fancied, would turn his head with flattery
iind try to win him to herself, saying, **Why does such a fine fellow as
you condescend to live with such a fright of a creature as thai wife of
yours? You'd better come along with me."
(4) Sect. 17. These hipuupuu were only two or three inches wide,
and it took several of them knotted together to go about a man and
cover his nakedness.
(5) Sect. 18. Aikane, now used to mean an honest and laudable
friendship between two males, originally meant the vice of that burnt-up
•city.
(6) Sect. 18. Hoo-ka-maka, a bestial form of vice in which man
confronted man.
(7) Sect. 18. Moe hoo kuli-hoo-kuli, to shut one's mouth with a
hribe.
(8) Sect. 20. Lono-maka-ihe — In this the spear was discharged from
the hand.
96
(9) Sect 20. Ku'l>ololu — In this the assailant used the long spear, po-
lolu, as a vaulting-pole with which to pursue his opponent. The same
weapon served him both offensively and defensively.
(10) Sect. 20. In Kaka-laau a short staff or sword-like stick was
used to strike, thrust, and parry, as in single-stick.
(ii) Sect. 20. Kaala was a rough and tumble form of wrestling, in
which each man sought to down the other.
(i2> Sect. 20. Kui-alua was a most savage form of combat, combin-
ing, in addition to wrestling and boxing, bone-breaking and maiming.
13) Sect. 24. Honuhonu. Two men sat a la Turc facing each other, the
hands of each resting on the shoulders of his opposite, knees touching.
The game consisted in rocking alternately backward and forward, thus
causing each player in turn to be placed now above and now below the
other.
(14) Sect. 24. Loulou. Two men sat facing each other with legs in-
tertwined and attempted to tip each other over sideways.
(15) Sect. 24. Uma. Also called kulakula'i. The two players kneeled
facing each other, right hands grasped elbows of the same side firmly
planted on the ground. Each one now strove to tip the fore-arm of his
opponent over and bring the back of his hand onto the ground.
(16) Sect. 24. Kahau, A wrestling contest between two persons
mounted on stilts.
(17) Sect. 24. Lua. A famous style of contest which combined boxing
wrestling, rough-and-tumble tossing and gripping, maiming and bone-
breaking.
(18) Sect. 28. Palaholo was mixed with the fibre of mamake in making
tapa after being steamed in the oven.
N. B. The language of this as well as the preceding chapter is full
of technical expressions which few Hawaiians of the present day know
the meaning of.
(ip) Sect. 33. The mele inoa was a mele in adulation of a prince or
king, reciting the glories of his ancestry.
♦The title of this chapter might have been translated with no breach
of fairness, LIFE IN THE COUNTRY CONTRASTED WITH LIFE
AT COURT. Any one who wishes is at liberty to make the substitution.
If it were true that the place where the king lives is always to be called
court, then by all means let us make this verbal substitution; and not
only that, but also the necessary mental and imaginative substitution
which shall make the thing fit the name.
CHAPTER XX.
CONCERNING KAUWA.^
I. There was a class of people in the Hawaiian Islands who
were called kauzva, slaves. This word kauzva had several mean-
97
ings. It was applied to those who were kauwa by birth as well as
those who were alii by birth.
2. Kauwa was a term of degradation and great reproach. But
some were kauwa only in name; because the younger brother
has always been spoken of as the katizva of the elder brother.
But he was not his kauzi^a in fact. It was only a way of indicating
that the younger was subject to the older brother.
3. So it was with all younger brothers or younger sisters in
relation to their elder brothers or elder sisters, whether chiefs or
commoners.
4. Those who had charge of the chief^s goods or who looked
after his food were called kauzm. Their real name was 'a-i-puu-
puu and they were also called kauwa; but they were kaiizva only
in name, they were not really slaves.
5. There were people who made themselves kauzva, those who
went before the king, or chief, for instance, and to make a show
of humbling themselves before him said, "We are your kainvaj'
But that was only a form of speech.
6. Again people who lived with the rich were sometimes,
spoken of as their kauzva. But they were not really katizva; that
term was applied to them on account of their inferior position.
7. Mischievous, lawless people {poe kolohe) were among
those who were sometimes called katizm, and it was the same
with the poor. But they were not the real kauzva; it was only ant
epitliet applied to them.
8. When one person quarreled with another he would some-
times revile him and call him a kauzva; but that did not make
him a real kauwa, it was only an epithet for the day of his wrath,
anger and reviling.
9. The marshals or constables {ilamuku) of the king were
spoken of as his kauwa^ but they were not really kauzva. There
were then many classes of people called or spoken of as kauzva,
but they were kauzva only in name, to indicate their inferior rank ;
they were not really and in fact kauzva.
The people who were really and in fact kauziHi were those
who were born to that condition and whose ancestors were such
before them. The ancestral line of the people (properly to be)
called kauzva from Papa down is as follows :
98
10. Wakea had a kainva named Ha'akauilana. We are not
informed in what way Ha'akauilana became a kauwa to Wakea.
He may have been obtained by purchase — we don*t know how it
came about. After Wakea deserted his wife Papa, she lived with
their kauwa Ha'akauilana.
11. In time there was bom to the couple a son named Keketi.
Kekeu lived with Lumilaui and they begot Noa.
Noa lived with Papa the second and they begot Pueo-nui-
nvelu-zvelu.
Pueo-nui-welu-welu lived w^th Noni, Their first bom wras
Maka-noni, their last K , and these were the ancestors of the
tactual and real kauzi'a in the Hawaiian Islands.
12. The descendants of Makanoni and of K were the
real kainva in Hawaii nei. If persons of another class, a chief
perhaps, married one of these people and had children, the chil-
dren were real kauzca.
13. The name kaiizva was an appellation very much feared
and dreaded. If a contention broke out between the chiefs and the
people and there was a fracas, pelting with stones and clubbing
-with slicks, but they did not exchange reviling epithets and call
each other kauzva, the aflFair would not be regarded as much of a
quarrel.
14. But if a man or a chief contended with his fellow or with
any one, and they abused each other roundly, calling one an-
other kauzva; that was a quarrel worth talking about, not to be
forgotten for generations.
15. The epithet kauzva maoli, real slave, was one of great
t)fFcnse. If a man formed an alliance with a woman, or a woman
with a man, and it afterwards came out that that woman or that
man was a kauzva, that person would be snatched away from the
iauzva by his friends or relatives without pity.
16. If a chief or a chiefess lay with one who was a kauzva,
not knowing such to be the fact, and afterwards should learn that
the person was a kauzva, the child, if any should be born, would be
dashed to death against a rock. Such was the death dealt out to
one who was abhorred as a kauzva.
17. The kauzva class were so greatly dreaded and abhorred
that they were not allowed to enter any house but that of their
99
master, because they were spoken of as the aumakua of their
master.
1 8. Those who were kauzva to their chiefs and kings in the
old times continued to be kauzva, and their descendants after them
to the latest generations; also the descendants of the kings and
cliiefs, their m.asters, retained to the latest generation their po-
sition as masters. It was for this reason thev were called au-
makua, the meaning of which is ancient servant (kauzva kahiko).
They were also called akua, i. e., superhuman or godlike (from
some superstitious notion regarding their power). Another name
applied to them was kauzva lepo, base-born slave (lepo, dirt.
"Mud-sill") ; or an outcast slave, kauzva haalele loa, which means
a most despised thing.
39. Those kauzva who were tattooed on the forehead were
termed kauzva lae-puni, slaves with bound foreheads ; or they were
called kanwa kikoni, the pricked slave ; or kauiva makazvela, red-
eyed slave. These were most opprobrious epithets.
20. If a person of another class had a child by one of these
an-makuas or kauzvas, the term no'u was applied to it, which
meant that it also was a kauwa to the same master.
21. Some people of other classes, and of the alii class as well,
formed connections with kauzvas, either through ignorance or
through concupiscence, or because they happened to have m-et a
fine-looking woman or man of the kauzva class. In this way
some aiiis, as well as others, became entangled (/^//i /a). Children
begotten of such a union were termed ula-ula-ili, red skin (from
the sun-burn acquired by exposure through neglect and naked-
ness).
22. Men and women who were kauzva were said to be people
from the wild woods (nahelehele), from the lowest depths no
lalo liio loa).
23. It was for this reason that the rank o.f the first woman
or man with whom a great chief or chiefess was paired, was so
carefully considered beforehand by those skilled in genealogies
{kuauhau), who knew the standing of the woman or man in
question, whether an alii or a kauzva,
24. For the same reason great chiefs were — sometimes — ^paired
with their elder sisters (or elder brothers, as the case might be),
100
or with some member of their own family, lest by any chance
they might unite with a kaiiwa,
25. It was for this reason also that the genealogies of the aliis
were always carefully preserved, that it might be clear who were
free from the taint of kauwa blood, that such only might be
paired with those of alii rank.
26. It was a matter likely to cause the death of a high chief
to have it said of him that he was an alii kauzva. In such a case
the most expert genealogists would be summoned to search the
matter to the bottom. Genealogists were called the wash-basins
of the aliis, in which to cleanse them. The kauwa class were re-
garded as a defilement and a stench.
27. A female kairn^a was an outcast and was not allowed to
enter the eating house of a female chief.
NOTFS ON CHAPTER XX.
(t) The word Kauwa in the title as it stands in the original has been
deliberately mutilated and an unsuccessful attempt made to make it il-
legible with pen-strokes. In its place, i. e., following it, has been in-
serted the word kanaka. The same crude and unsuccessful attempt to
cover up the word has been made in sections 9. 10, 11, 12, and 13, and in
some places there has been substituted for it the word ai-kane. The
same thing has also been done to the proper names Haakauilana, Maka-
iiotii and one other name, the initial letter of which, K •—, is all that
can be made out.
This attempt to obliterate these words was evidently not done by the
author himself. What motive could the author have had to undo his own
darker tint. What motive could the author have had to undo his own
work? The theory that seems to me most probable is that the culprit did it
from shame, being himself a kauvJa.
1 am informed by an intelligent Hawaiian that he once knew in Kipa-
hi^lu, Maui, a man named Moo, who had in the center of his forehead
a small, round tattooed spot as large as the tip of one's finger. He
now believes him to have been a kauwa. 'T am strongly of the opinion
that he was undoubtedly such. He lived on friendly terms with the
people about him. apparently creating no aversion or fear. He had a
wife who had no signs of being a kauwa. He died at Kipahulu some
time in the sixties. He was a fine-looking, well made man, intelligent
and self-respecting, able and ready to stand up for his own rights. I did
not know anything about this n^an's history, but I believe him to have
been a kauwa. I would have been ashamed to have questioned him on
the subject, or to have gone about seeking information from others in
regard to him.*' said my informant.
101
The Hawaiians are still very sensitive about this matter of the kautt/a.
To this day people in reviling each other will occasionally fling out
the epithet kau-iv'a. The institution itself, however, has gone by.
(2) Sect. 19. I am informed that kauzv'a were marked by means of the
tattoo on the parts of the face about the eyes and on the forehead, as
indicated in the accompanying cuts.
123
No I is a round spot in the middle of the forehead.
No. 2 is a curved figure arched over the root of the nose from one
eye to the other.
No. 3 represents two curved figures which are placed like two halves
of ;i bracket-mark outside of and so as to include the eyes.
Kapule of Molokai informs me that in his childhood he knew a fam-
ily on Molokai in which there were several fine girls, but as they were
i^md to be kauw'a no one wanted to marry them, and they were neglected
in the matrimonial market, in spite of their attractions. His grand-
mother explained to him the reason for their being so much avoided
and despised. He said that he used to be informed that a kauw'a was
thought to be the offspring of a bestial alliance. The same informant
said he never had heard of such a thing as a kauw'a's being marked or tat-
tooed in any way.
CHAPTER XXI.
wrong conduct and right conduct,
(na hewa me NA pono).
The Ancient Idea of Morality,
1. There are many kinds of wrong committed by men, if their
number were all told ; but a single stem gives birth to them all.
The thought that proceeds from the mind is the parent that
begets a multitude of sins.^
2. When the heart proposes to do wrong then doubtless it
will commit a sin ; and when it purposes to do right, then no doubt
it will do right; because from the heart (naau, bowels) comes
102
good and from the heart also comes evil. But some evils light
down of themselves (lele wale mai), and so do some good things.
3. If the eye sees a thing, but the heart does not covet it, no
wrong is done. But if the eye observes and the heart covets a
certain thing, a great many thoughts will arise within having inor-
dinate desire (kitko) as the root, a restless yearning (lia), a ve-
hement desire (ultikii), 2ind a seizing (hookaha) ;or duplicity (hoo-
makaitlti) and covetousness (iini), which make one look upon a
thing with deep longing and the purpose to take it secretly and
appropriate it to one self. These faults are to be classed with
theft.
4. Coveting the property of another has many aspects to it,
a .spying upon another, lying in ambush on his trail, plotting,
treacher}', deceit, trickery with the intent to murder secretly in
order to get someone's goods. All of these things come under
the head of robbery and are of the nature of murder (pepehi
wale),
5. If one has determined to enrich himself at another's ex-
pense the evil has many shapes. The first thing is covetousness
(pakaha), filching, thrusting one's self on the hospitality of one's
neighbor (kipa zvale), stripping another of his property {hao
wale), appropriating his crops (uhuki wale), theft, robbery and
other wrong deeds of that nature.
6. If a man wishes to deal truthfully with another and after-
wards finds that things have been misrepresented to him, there
are many things involved in that. In the first place there is
deceit (hoo-punipuni), lying (zvaha-he'e), slander (alapahi),
falsehood (palau), the lie jestful (ku-kahe-kahe) , the lie fluent
(palolo), the lie unclothed, (kokahe), the lie direct, (pahilau),
and many other things of like sort.
7. If a person seeks to find fault with another there are many
ways of doing it, the chief of which is slander (aki, biting), de-
famation (ahiahi), making false accusations (niania), circulating
slanders {holoholo oleo), vilifying (makauli'i), detraction (kaa-
mehai, belitthng {kuene), tale-bearing (poupou-noho4no), en-
snaring (hoozvalezmle), misleading (hiahele), treachery (ku-
makaia), fault-finding (hoolazvehala) , mahce (opu-inoino), scan-
dal-mongering (lazve-olelo-zmle) ^ reviling (paonioni) and a host
of other things of the same sort.
103
8. If one has evil thoughts against another there are a great
many ways in which they may express themselves. The first is
anger {huhu), indignation (ifiaina), sarcasm (or-aka), scolding
{keke), fault-finding (wawa), sourness (kukona), bitterness {nor-
hon), fretfulness (makona), rudeness (kalaea), jealousy (hoo-
lili), scowling (hoomakue), harshness hookoikoi), intimidation
(hooweliweii) and many other ways.
9. If a man wished to kill an innocent person there are many
ways in which he can do it, first to simply beat him to
death (pepehi wale), by stoning {hailuku), whipping (hahau)^
knocking him down (kulai)^ garroting {umizvale), pounding
with his fists (kuku'i wale), smiting (papa'i), wrestling {hako'o-
ko'o), stirring up a fight (hookonokono), and many other sim-
ilar ways.
10. These were all sins, clearly understood to be very wrong,
but those who did these things were not suitably punished in the
old times. If any one killed another, nothing was done about
it — there was no law. It was a rare thing for any one to be pun-
ished as at the present time.^
11. It should be remarked here that in ancient times indis-
criminate sexual relations between unmarried persons (moe o na
mca kaawale), fornication, keeping a lover (moe ipo), hired pros-
titution (moe kooknli), bigamy, polyandry, whoredom (moe hoo-
kama-kama) y sodomy (moe aikane), and masturbation were not
considered wrong, nor were foeticide and idol-worship regarded
as evils.
12. The following things were held to be wrong, hezixi, both
in men and women, to change husband or wife frequently (ko-
oka), to keep shifting from place to place, to be a glutton or ta
in men and women: to change husband or wife frequently (ko-
less gossip (paJau-alclo) , to be indolent and lazy, to be an improv-
ident vagabond (aea, kitonoono-ole) , to be utterly shiftless (lima-
lima'pilau) ,to go about getting food at other people's houses
(koalaala-make-heiva) — these and other like actions were really
wrong, hezva.
13. The following practices were considered hewa by the
landlord, that one should give himself up to the fascinations of
sport and squander his property in puhenehene, sliding the stick
(pahee)y bowling the ulu-maika, racing with the canoe, on the
104
surf-board or on the hohia-sled, that one should build a large
house, have a woman of great beauty for his wife, sport a fine
tapa, or gird one's self with a fine malo.
13. All of these things were regarded as showing pride, and
were considered valid reasons for depriving a man of his lands,
because such practices were tantamount to secreting wealth.
14. If a landlord, or land agent, who farmed the land. for an
alii (kono-hiki) had to wife a woman who did no work, neither
beating out or printing tapa, doing nothing in fact, but merely
depending on what her husband produced, such a non-producer
was called a polo-hana-ole, and it would be counted a hewa, and
a sufficient reason why the man should be turned out of his lands.
15. Mere complaining and grumbling, with some other mis-
fortunes are evils that come of themselves. There are other ills
of the same sort which I have not mentioned.
16. There was a large number of actions that were consid-
ered essentially good {pono maoli), and the number of persons
who did them was very considerable, in spite of which there
lighted down upon them the misfortune that when they looked
upon the things belonging to another their heart lusted after them.
The right course in such a case is to resist the temptation, not
to pursue the object of one's desire, to cease thinking about it
and touch it not.
17. To act justly without trespassing or deceiving, not fre-
quenting another's house, not gazing wistfully upon your neigh-
bor's goods nor begging for anything that belongs to him — ^that is
the prudent course.
18. The following actions were considered worthy of appro-
bation ; to live thriftily, not to be a vagabond, not to keep chang-
ing wives, not to be always shifting from one chief to another, not
to run in debt.
19. It was reckoned a virtue for a man to take a wife, to bring
up his children properly, to deal squarely with! his neighbors
and his landlord, to engage in some industry, such as farming,
fishing, house-building, canoe-making, or to raise swine, dogs
and fowls.
20. It was also deemed virtuous not to indulge in sports, to
abstain from such games as puhenehene, pahee, bowling the
inaika, running races, canoe-racing, surf-riding, racing on the
105
Ao/wa-sled, and to abstain from the tug-of-war and all other
games of such sort.
21. The practice of these virtues was a great means of better-
ing one's self in this life and was of great service.
22. The farmer and the fisherman acquired many servants and
accumulated property by their labors. For this reason the prac-
tice of these callings was regarded as most commendable.
23. The worship of idols was regarded as a virtue by the
ancients, because they sincerely believed them to be real gods.
The consequence was that people desired their chiefs and kings
to be religious (haipnie) , The people had a strong conviction that
if the king was devout, his government would abide.
24. Canoe-building was a useful art. The canoe was of ser-
vice in enabling one to sail to other islands and carry on war
against them, and the canoe had many other uses.
25. The priestly office was regarded with great favor, and
great faith was reposed in the power of the priests to propitiate
the idol-deities, and obtain from them benefits that were prayed
for.
26. The astrologers, or kilo4ani, whose office it v-'as to ob-
serve the heavens and declare the day that would bring victory
in battle, were a class of men highly esteemed. So also were
the kuhi'kuhi'puu-one, a class of priests who designated the site
where a hetau should be built in order to insure the defeat of
the enemy.
2^". The kaka-olelo, or counsellors who advised the alii in
matters of government, were a class much thought of; so also
were the warriors who formed the strength of the army in time
of battle and helped to rout the enemy.
28. Net-makers {poe ka-upena) and those who made fishing-
lines (hilo-aha) were esteemed as pursuing a useful occupation.
The mechanics who hewed and fashioned the tapa log, on which
was beaten out tapa for sheets, girdles and loin-cloths for men
and women were a class higlily esteemed. There were a great
many other actions that were esteemed as virtuous whether done
by men and women or by the chiefs ; all of them have not been
mentioned.
10«
NOTES ON CHAPIER XXI.
(i) Sect. I. What did the ancient Hawaiians seriously regard as
wrong?
First — An}' breach of tabu or of ceremonious observance.
Second — Failure to fulfill a vow to the gods or to make good any re-
ligious obligation.
Thiid — Any failure in duty towards an aliij especially an alii kapu.
Fourth — For the k(ihu of an idol to have neglected any part of his
duties, as feeding it or sacrificing to it. Under this same head should be
put the duties of the keeper of the bones of the dead king; to have neg-
letted such a duty would put a terrible load on the conscience. It is
ov^ing to the fidelity of the kahu that the hiding place of the great Ka-
mehameha's bones is to this day a profound secret. The fidelity with
which such obligations as these were kept is proof enough that this people
had all the material of conscience in their make up. It will be seen that
the duties and faults that weighed most heavily on the conscience of the
Hawaiian were mostly artificial matters, and such as in our eyes do not
touch the essense of morality. But that is true of all consciences to a
large extent. It should be remarked that the Hawaiian was a believer in
the doctrine of the divine right of kings to the extremest degree. His
duties to his alii, or lani, as the poets always styled him, was, therefore,
on the same footing with those due to the akuas.
Fifth — I believe that the Hawaiian conscience would have been seriously
troubled by any breach of the duties of hospitality.
(2) Sect. 10. The lex talionis was the rule. Friends often took up
the matter and enacted something like a vendetta.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE VALUABLES AND POSSESSIONS OF THE ANCIENT HAWAIIANS.
1. The feathers of birds were the most valued possessions of
the ancient Hawaiians. The feathers of the ntamo were more
choice than those of the 00 because of their superior magnificence
when wrought into cloaks (ahu). The plumage of the i'izm, apa-
pane and amakihi were made into ahu-ida, cloaks and capes, and
into mahi'Ole, helmets.
2. The ahti-nia was a possession most costly and precious
(makamae) , not obtainable by the common people, only by the
alii. It was much worn by them as an insignia in time of war
and when they went into battle. The ahu-nla was also conferred
107
upon warriors, but only upon those who had distinguished them-
selves and had merit, and it was an object of plunder in every
battle.
3. Unless one were a warrior in something more than name
he would not succeed in capturing his prisoner nor in getting
possession of the ahii-ula and feathered helmet of a warrior.
These feathers had a notable use in the making of the royal bat-
tle-gods.^ They were also frequently used by the female chiefs
in making or decorating a comb called huli-kua, which was used
as an ornament in the hair.
The lands that produced feathers were heavily taxed at the
Makahiki time, feathers being the most acceptable offering to the
Makahiki-\Ao\. If any land failed to furnish the full tale of
feathers due for the tax, the landlord was turned off {hemo). So
greedy were the alii after fathers that there was a standing order
(palala) directing their collection.
4. An ahu-iila made only of ntamo feathers was called an
alaneo and was reserved exclusively for the king of a whole
island, alii ai moku; it was his kapa wai-kana or battle-cloak.
Ahu-ulas were used as the regalia of great chiefs and those of
high rank, also for warriors of distinction who had displayed great
prowess. It was not to be obtained by chiefs of low rank, nor
by warriors of small prowess.
5. The carved whale-tooth, or niho-palaoa, was a decoration
worn by high chiefs who alone were allowed to possess this or-
nament. They were not common in the ancient times, and it is
only since the reign of Kamehameha^ I that they have become
somewhat more numerous. In battle or on occasions of ceremony
and display (hookaJiakaha) an alii wore his niho-palaoa. The
lei-palaoa (same as the niho-palaoa) was regarded as the exclu-
sive property of the alii.
6. The kahili, — a fly-brush or plumed staff of state — was the
emblem and embellishment of royalty. Where the king went there
went his kahili-hesLver (paa-kahili) , and where he stopped there
stopped also the kahili-hesiTer. When the king slept the kahili
was waved over him as a fly-brush. The kahili was the posses-
sion solely of the alii.
7. The canoe with its furniture was considered a valuable
possession, of service both to the people and to the chiefs. By
108
means of it they could go on trading voyages to other lands, en-
gage in fishing, and perform many other errands.
8. The canoe was used by the kings and chiefs as a means of
ostentation and display. On a voyage the alii occupied the raised
and sheltered platform in the waist of the canoe which was called
the pola, while the paddle-men sat in the spaces fore and aft, their
number showing the strength of the king's following.
9. Cordage and rope of all sorts (na kaitla), were articles of
great value, serviceable in all sorts of work. Of kaula there
were many kinds. The bark of the hau tree was used for making
lines or cables with which to haul canoes^ down from the mount-
ains as well as for other purposes. Cord — aha — ^made from co-
coanut fibre was used in sewing and binding together the parts
of a canoe and in rigging it as well as for other purposes. Olona
fibre was braided into (a four or six-strand cord called) lino,
besides being made into many other things. There were many
other kinds of rope (kaula),
10. Fishing nets (upena) and fishing lines (aho) were valued
possessions. One kind was the papa-waha, which had a broad
mouth; another was the aei (net with small meshes to take the
opelu) ; the kawaa net (twenty to thirty fathoms long and four
to eight deep, for deep sea fishing) ; the kuu net (a long net, oper-
ated by two canoes) ; and many other varieties.
11. Fish-lines, aho, were used in fishing for all sorts of fish,
but especially for such fine large fish as the ahi and the kahala.
The aho was also used in stitching together the sails (of mat-
ting) and for other similar purposes.
12. The ko'i, or stone ax, was a possession of value. It was
used in liewing and hollowing canoes, shaping house-timbers and
in fashioning the agriculture spade, the 00, and it had many other
uses.
13. The house was esteemed a possession of great value. It
was the place where husband and wife slept, where their children
and friends met, where the household goods of all sorts were
stored.
14. There were many kinds of houses: the mua for men
alone, the noa, where men and women met, the halau for the shel-
ter of long things, like canoes, fishing poles, etc., and there were
houses for many other purposes.
109
15- Tapa was a thing of value. It was used to clothe the
body, or to protect the body from cold during sleep at night. The
malo also was a thing of great service, girded about the loins
and knotted behind, like a cord, it was used by the men as a cov-
ering for the immodest parts.
i6. Another article of value was the pan; wrapped about the
loins and reaching nearly to the knees it shielded the modesty of
the women.
17. Pigs, dogs and fowls were sources of wealth. They were
in great demand as food both for chiefs and common people, and
those who raised them made a good profit.
18. Any one who was active as a farmer or fisherman was
deemed a man of great wealth. If one but engaged in any indus-
try he was looked upon as well off.
19. The man who was skilled in the art of making fish-hooks
(ka-makau) was regarded as fore-handed. The fish-hooks of the
Hawaiians were made of human bones, tortoise shell and the
bones of pigs and dogs.
20. The names of the different kinds of hooks used in the
ancient times would make a long list. The hoonoho^ was an ar-
rangement of hooks made by lashing two bone hooks to one
shank (they were sometimes placed facing each other and then
again back to back).
21. The kikii (in which the bend of the hook followed a
spiral; the lna4oa (sometimes used for catching the akti) ; the
ntikti (also called the kakaka. It consisted of a series of hooks
attached to one line), the keaa-ivai-leia (for ulua. The bait was
strewn in the water and the naked hook was moved about on the
surface) ; the au-ku'u (a troll-hook, having two barbs, used to
take the ulua) : the maka-puki (about the same as the ati-ku'u,
but with only one barb) ; the kai-anoa (used in the deep sea — com-
posed of two small hooks, without barbs, arranged as in fig. 4) ;
the omau (about the same as the kea'a-wai-leia but more open,
with no barb, for the deep sea) ; the niana (a hook for the eel) ;
the kohe-hia (also called kohe-lua-a-pa'a, a hook with two barbs) ;
the hulu (having a barb on the outside) ; the kue (a very much
incurved hook, used to take the oio, etc.) ; the hui-kala (a large
hook with two barbs, one without and one within) ; the hio-hio
]10
(a minute hook of mother o' pearl, for the opeki) ; the lazva which
was used for sharks.
22. Such were the names of the fish-hooks of the ancients,
whether made of bone or of tortoise shell (ca). In helping to
shape them the hard wood of the pua and the rough pahoehoe
lava rock were used as rasps.
23. The 00 (shaped like a whale-spade) was an instrument
useful in husbandry. It was made of the wood of the nlei^ ma-
mane, oiiwlemole, lapalapa (and numerous other woods includ-
ing the alahe'e).
24. Dishes, ipu, to hold articles of food, formed part of the
wealth, made of wood and of the gourd ; uiueke to receive poi and
vegetable food ; ipii-kai, bowls or soup-dishes, to hold meats and
fish, cooked or raw, with gravies and sauces ; pa4aau — platters or
deep plates for meats, fish, or other kinds of food ; hiie-ivai — bot-
tle-gourds, used to hold water for drinking. Salt was reckoned
an article of value.
25. A high value was set upon the cowry shell, leho,^ and
the mother o' pearl, pa,^ by the fishermen, because through the
fascination exercised by these articles the octopus and the bonito
were captured.
26. Mats, jnocna (nwe-na), constituted articles of wealth, be-
ing used to bedeck the floors of the houses and to give comfort
to the bed.
27. A great variety of articles were manufactured by dif-
ferent persons which were esteemed wealth.
28. At the present time many new things have been imported
from foreign countries which are of great value and constitute
wealth, such as neat cattle, horses, the mule, the donkey, the goat,
sheep, swine, dogs, and fowls.
29. New species of birds have been introduced, also new kinds
of cloth, so that the former tapa-cloth has almost entirely gone
-out of use. There are also new tools, books, and laws, many new
things.
30. But the book that contains the word of Jehovah is of a
value above every other treasure because it contains salvation
for the soul.
Ill
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXII.
The Hawaiian 3 had no money, nor anything that stood as an accepted
representative of value to take its place. In the barter carried on be-
tween them and the ships in the early days of intercourse with the for-
eigner, the value of the pig was reckoned by the Hawaiian in proportion
to his length, so much for the pigling of the length of the forearm, so
much hoop-iron for the three-foot porker, and so much for the full-grown,
fathom long (anana) hog. (N. Z., zvhanganga.)
The one barrier that stood in the way of the invention and adoption
of some tangible representative of value was the selfish and exclusive
policy of the chiefs, which allowed the poor kanaka to possess nothing
he might call his own, not even his nialo or his wife. .
(i) Sect. 3. Jlkua kaai, literally a god with a sash. This was a
carved staff with a tuft of feathers at the top. The color-bearer who
carried this emblem into battle was called its kahu. The image, or staff
already mentioned, was bound to the body of the kahu by this kaai, or
sash, and the kahu wore upon his own head the mahiolc or helmet which
was said to be worn by the idol. This substitution of the kahu, or
man who carried th-e idol, for the idol itself, was not an uncom-
mon thing in Hawaiian cult. It was looked upon as an act of
infamy to take the life of the kahu of an akua-kaai in battle.
Kn-kaih-inoktt, the war god of Kamehameha, was a feather god, akua-
hulu-manu.
(2) Sect. 5. Kamehameha in his wars of conquest took a large num-
ber of these things as spoils of war, thus causing them to seem more
plentiful. But it was merely that they were brought out of their hid-
ing places. It cannot be that they were manufactured in any number
during the troublous times of his reign.
(3) Sect. 9. The koa tree, felled in the depths of the forest, after being
ludely shaped, was hauled up hill and down dale to the ocean, its real
home, by means of strong lines of hau bark. This hauling was termed
ko tt/flfl. See Chap. XXXIV.
(4) Sect. 20. Hoonoho; there seem to have been two varieties .of this
kind of arrangement as represented in the two cuts.
(5) Sect. 25. A stone-sinker, carved in the shape of the cowry, was
lashed with the shell to a straight staff to which was attached a hook.
When this apparatus was let down into the ocean the squid, attracted
by the rich color of the shell, wrapped his arms about it and was drawn
up.
(6) Sect. 25. The pa was a plate of mother o* pearl with a hook of
bone attached. It was used as a troll for the aku. The color and sheen
of the pearl seemed to have some sort of fascination for the fish.
112
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE WORSHIP OF IDOLS.
1. There was a great diversity as to cult among those who
worshipped idols in Hawaii nei, for the reason that one man had
one god and another had an entirely different god. The gxxls of
the aliis also differed one from another.
2. The women were a further source of disagreement; they
addressed their worship to female deities, and the god of one
was different from the god of another. Then too the gods of
the female chiefs of a high rank were different from the gods of
those of a lower rank.
3. Again the days observed by one man differed from those
observed by another man, and the things that were tabued by
one god differed from those tabued by another god. As to the
nights observed by the alii for worship they were identical, though
the things tabued were different with the different alii. The same
was true in regard to the female chiefs.
4. The names of the male deities worshipped by the Hawa-
iians, whether chiefs or common people, were Ku, Lono, Kane,
and Kmialoa; and the various gods worshipped by the people
and the alii were named after them. But the names of the fe-
male deities were entirely different.
5. Each man worshipped the aktia that presided over the oc-
cupation or profession he followed, because it was generally be-
lieved that the akiia could prosper any man in his casing. In
the same way the women believed that the deity was the one
to bring good luck to them in any work.
6. So also with the kings and chiefs, they addressed their
worship to the gods who were active in the affairs that con-
cerned them; for they firmly believed that their god could de-
stroy the king's enemies, safeguard him and prosper him with
land and all sorts of blessings.
7. The manner of worship of the kings and chiefs was different
from that of the common people. When the commoners per-
fonned religious services they uttered their prayers themselves,
without the assistance of a priest or of a kahu-akua. But when the
king or an alii worshipped, the priest or the keeper of the idol
uttered the prayers, while the alii only moved his lips and did
113
not say a word. The same was tnte of the female chiefs ; they
did not utter the prayers to their gods.^
8. Of gods that were worshipped by the people and not by
the chiefs the following are such as were worshipped by those
who went up into the mountains to hew out canoes and timber:
Ku-pulupulu,^ Ku-da-nor-wao ,^ Ku-moku-halii,^ Ku-pepeiao-loa,
Ku-pepeiao-poko, Ku-ka-ieie, Ku-palala-ke, Ku-ka-ohia^laka.^
Lea,^ though a female deity, was worshipped alike by women and
ca?ioe-makers..
9. Ku-huluhtdu-manu was the god of bird-catchers, bird-
snares (poe-ka-manu) ,'' birds limers and of all who did feather-
work..
10. Ku-ka-oo was the god of husbandmen.
11. Fishermen worshipped Ku—ula,^ also quite a number of
other fishing-gods. Hina-hele was a female deity worshipped both-
by women and fishermen.
12. Those who practiced sorcery and praying to death or
anaana worshipped Ku-koae, Uli and Ka-alae-nui-a-Hina,^
Those who nourished a god — an unihi-pili^ for instance —
or one who was acted upon by a deity, worshipped Kalai-pahoa,
(13.) Those who practiced medicine prayed to Mai-ola. Kapu-
alakai and Kau-ka-hoola-mai were female deities worshipped by
women and practitioners of medicine.
14. Hula-dancers worshipped Laka; thieves Makua-aihue;
those who watched fish-ponds Hau-maka-pu'u ; warriors worship-
ped Lono-maka-ihe ; soothsayers and those who studied the signs
of the heavens (kilokilo) worshipped the god Kuhimana.
15. Robbers worshipped the god Kui-alua; those who went
to sea in the canoe worshipped Ka-maha-alii, There were a great
many other deities regarded by the people, but it is not certain that
they were worshipped. Worship was paid, however, to sharks,
to dead persons, to objects celestial and objects terrestrial. But
there were people who had no god, and who worshipped nothing ;.
these atheists were called aia,
16. The following deities were objects of definite special wor-
ship by women: L(7m-^«H was the object of worship by the women
who beat out tapa. La'a-hana was the patron deity of the women
who printed tapa cloth. Pele and Hiiaka were the deities of cer-
tain women. Papa and Hoohoku}^ our ancestors were worship-
114
ped by some as deities. Kapo and Pua had their worshippers.
The majority of women, however, had no deity and just wor-
-shipped nothing.
17. The female chiefs worshipped as gods Kiha-zvahine, Waka,
Kalamaimii, Ahimn (or Wahimu), and Alimaiioano, These dei-
ties were reptiles or Moo.
18. The deities worshipped by the male chiefs were Ku^
Lono, Kane, Kana-loa, Kumaikaiki, Ku-maka-nui, Ku-makela,
Ku'tnaka'aka'a, Ku-holoholo-i-kaua, Ku-koa, Ku-nui-akea, Ku-
kaili-moku,^^ Ku'Waha-ilo-o-ka-puni, Ulu, Lo-lupe — ^this last was
a deity commonly worshipped by many kings. Besides these
there was that countless rout of (woodland) deities, kini-akua,
lehu-akua, and mano-akiia^^ whose shouts were at times distinctly
to be heard. They also worshipped the stars, things in the air and
on the earth, also the bodies of dead men. Such were the ob-
jects of worship of the kings and chiefs.
19. The following gods were supposed to preside over dif-
ferent regions: Kane-hoa-lani (or Kane-wahi-lani) ruled over
the heavens; the god who ruled over the earth was Kane-lu-
honua: the god of the mountains was Ka-haku-o; of the ocean
Kane-huh'ko'a,
20. The god of the East was Ke-ao-kiai, of the West Ke-ao-
halo, of the North Ke-ao-loa, of the South Kc-ao-hoopua. The
god of winds and storms was La-a-mao-mao,
21. The god of precipices (pali) was Kane-holo-pali, of
stones Kane-pohakn, of hard — ^basaltic — stone Kane-moe-ala, of
the house Kane-ilok' a-hale^^ (or Kane-iloko-o) ^ of the fire-place
Kane-mo e4ehu}^ of fresh water Kane-wai-ola.
22. The god of the doorway or doorstep was Kane-hohoio^^
(Kane-noio according to some). The number of the gods who
were supposed to preside over one place or another was count-
less.
23. All of these gods, whether worshipped by the common
people or by the alii, were thought to reside in the heavens.
Neither commoner nor chief had ever discerned their nature; their
coming and their going was unseen; their breadth, their length
and all their dimensions were unknown.
24. The only gods the people ever saw with their eyes were"
the images of wood and of stone which they had carved with
"5
their own hands after the fashion of what they conceived the
gods of heaven to be. If their gods were celestial brings, their
idols should have been made to resemble the heavenly.
25. If the gods were supposed to resemble beings in the firma-
ment, birds perhaps, then the idols were patterned after birds,
and if beings on the earth, they were made to resemble the
earthly.
26. If the deity was of the water, the idol was made to re-
semble a creature of the water, whether male or female.^ ^ Thus
it was that an idol was carved to resemble the description of an
imaginary being, and not to give the actual likeness of a deity
that had been seen.
2,7. And when they worshipped, these images, made after the
likeness of various things, were set up before the assembly of the
people ; and if then prayer and adoration had been offered to the
true god in heaven, there would have been a resemblance to the
popish manner of worship. Such was the ancient worship in Ha-
waii nei, whether by the common people or by the kings and
chiefs. There was a difference, however, between the ceremonies
performed by the common people at the weaning of a child and
those performed by a king or chief on a similar occasion.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXIII.
(i) Sect. 7. There were important exceptions to this general state-
ment by Mr. Malo which should be noted. The prayers offered in the
Hula were, as a rule, uttered by persons, kahunas, specially consecrated
or appointed for that office. The consecration of a house or of a wa'a,
canoe, was done with the aid of a kahuna; and the common people did
resort to kahunas of different classes. As regards their private worship
and devotions, however, the statement of Malo as regards the common
people is undoubtedly correct.
(2) Sect. 8. These are all different forms of the god Ku. Pulupulu
is a name applied to anything cottony ; derived from the fibres that cover
the fern; applied to any vegetable wool.
(3) Sect. 8. It seems as if there were a play on the word ku, which
primarily means to stand. Ku-ala-na-wao may be translated, there stand
the wildernesses.
(4) Sect. 8. Ku-moku-halii, Ku is here personified as the one who
"clothes the island."
(5) Sect. 8. Ku-ka-ohia-laka. The epithet laka is the part of the name
that is difficult of explanation. The epithet ohia is evidently from the
ii6
tree of that name. The tree was said to have a human voice, and a
grroan was audible when it was cut into. Mr. S. Percy Smith informs
me (Dec, 1897.) that Rata, the same as Laka, was the Tahiti, Rarotonga
and N. Z. name of the ohia {Metrosideros lutea.) The whole mystery is
thus explained. ■
(6) Sect. 8. Lea was said to present herself at times in the form of the
elepnio bird, a deity that greatly concerned canoe-makers.
(7) Sect. 9. Poe ka-tnanu ; the word ka is used in a great many mean-
ings, to catch, .smite, etc., as in the following, "He uahi ke kapeku e hei
ai ka ia-n»anu o Puoalii." The reference is to the fact that the people of
Puoalii, Hamakau, Hawaii, were wont to make a smudgy fire at night on
the coast, and as the birds flew in from the sea, coming into the reek
of the smoke they became bewildered and were easily caught in scoop-
nets.
(8) Sect. II. The idols of Kuula were numerous, most of them being
uncarved stones.
(9) Sect. 12. Hina was the mother of the mythical hero Maui, who,
according to one legend, learned the art of making fire from the red-headed
mud-hen, alae, who was a brother to himself.
(10) Sect. 12. An unihi pili was a familiar spirit, or infernal deity, which
was made resident in some object, very often the bones of an infant,
through the agency of the persistent prayers and oflferings of a sorcerer,
who became its kahu, keeper or patron, and to whom the unihi pili held
the relation of a benefactor, protector and infernal agent, ready when
called upon to do any errand of vengeance, murder of body or soul, to
which his kahu might commission him. (For the full explanation of this
subject see Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society, No. 2. "The
Lesser Hawaiian Gods," by J. S. Emerson: read before the Hawn. Hist.
Soc. April 7, 1892: Honolulu, H. I.)
(11) Sect. 16. Papa was the wife of Wakea, and Hoohokukalani their
daughter. With the latter he committed incest and broke up the peace
of the family.
(12) Sect 18. Ku-kaili-moku — Ku-the-land-grabber ; this most appro-
priately, was the war god and favorite deity of Kamehameha I, the one
who aided him in his expeditions of war and conquest, plunder and
murder.
(13) Sect. 18. Kini, lehu and mano meant respectively 40,000 and 400,-
000, and 4,000, this being a set phrase used to indicate that countless
multitudes of elves, sprites, gnomes and fairies with which the imagina-
tion of the Hawaiian peopled the wilderness. They were full of mischief
and had their hands in every pie. See the story of Laka of Kipahulu,
son of Wahieloa, the canoe-builder. In addition to these must be men-
tioned "Ka puku'i ke akua, ka pohai ke akua, ke kokoolua ke
akua, ke kokookolu ke akua, ka ikuwa o ke akua.'* It may be
difficult to describe the different notions expressed by these words, but the
117
ikuwa, the mysteroiis voices and murmurings of the gods in the wilder-
ness — these can be heard at almost any time in the woodlands.
(14) Sect. 21. Kane-ilok'a-hale is no doubt a contraction from Kane-
ilokO'O-ka-hale, The man who built a house did well to make an of-
fering to him.
(15) Sect. 21. Kane who lies in the ashes: Kane-moe-lehu.
(16) Sect. 22. The door-step was a very tabu place and it was looked
upon as highly improper to sit or stand on it. This is also an Asiatic
superstition.
Apropos of the title placed at the head of the chapter, the question
arises, did the Hawaiians worship the idol? or did they rather use it as an
emblem of the spiritual being back of it? Does the communicant believe
that the bread, or wafer, placed on his tongue is the real body of his
Saviour? Does the pietist believe that power, virtue, reside in the con-
secrated image and rosary that hang from his neck? Human nature is
much the same at all times; answer the one question and you answer
the other. I do not share with Mr. Malo the belief that the imagination
and thoughts of the ancient worshipper went no higher than the image
before which he bowed. Very naturally in the enthusiasm of deliverance
from idolatrous superstition, Mr. M. was unable to do justice to the sys-
tem from which he had escaped. The influences that moulded his opinions
were not favorable to a philosophic view of the whole question. In spite
of everything, however, the fact that the ancient Hawaiians kept in view
a spiritual being back of the idol makes itself manifest in Mr. Malo*s ac-
count, cropping up from time to time in his statement of their worship
and beliefs. Consider, for instance, the account of Wakea's deliverance
from the perils of the ocean, and the manner in which his kahuna di-
rected him to build a heiau and perform a sacrifice to the deity, while
swimming in the ocean. (See the story of Wakea, pp. 247-8.) The
Hawaiians spoke of akua-kii, akua maolij akua-kino-ole, etc. What was
ar. akua inaoh, if rot a spirit?
KejMARks. — "The Hawaiians usually worshipped their gods by means of
idols, believing that by the performance of certain rites power, mana,
was imparted to the idols, so that they became a means of communica-
tion with unseen divinities. They imagined that a spirit resided in or con-
veyed influence through the image representing it." — Alexander's Haw.
Hist, p 41.
The above is probably true of all idolaters, of whatever race or name.
W. D. A.
THE LEGEND OF KAUA KAHI-A-KAWAU.
(17) Sect. 26. The following legend has been related to me apropos
of the statement n«ade by Mr. Malo:
Kauakahi-a-kawau was an ancient king on Kauai who had his home in
the mountains. One time when down at the coast he saw a deity in the
ii8
form of a woman who, after disporting: herself in the ocean, climbed upon
a rock and began to braid and comb her hair. The charms of her per-
son made such a vivid impression on him that on returning to his home
in the mountains, he laboriously carved a figure in stone portraying the
person of his goddess whom he called Ono'ilele. The real name of the
woman, who was a kttpua, creature of supernatural power, was Uli-poai-o-
ka-moku. The woman was most beaxttiful and voluptuous, so that Kaua-
kahi fell dead in love with her. He devoted himself with great attention
to carving the figure, and succeded in making a very perfect representa-
tion of the human body, even to the hair on the head, the figure being
that of a woman.
When the work was done he brought the image down to the shore,
and at the time of day when he thought she would be likely to appear
he carried it down and placed it at the water's edge in a sitting position
on a rock, the attitude being that which a woman would assume in mak-
ing her toilet after the bath, Kauakahi himself crouched behind the
figure and awaited the appearance of the goddess. She soon showed
herself in the midst of the waves, and climbing upon a large rock, busied
herself in combing the sea- weed out of her long hair with her fingers.
Kauakani inimcvliately imitated her motions, passing his own fingers
through the hair of the image in front of him. "It's nothing but a sham,
an image," said the goddess disdainfully. Kauakahi at once shifted the
position of the graven figure before him, and in a manner so lifelike, that
the goddess, thinking she had been mistaken, said, "It is a woman after
all, "Come over here and give me your company," said Kaua-
kahi, and she, thinking it was the woman who addressed her, swam over
and climbed upon the rock on which Kauakahi and the image were sitting.
As she came up out of the water, Kauakahi, unng his magic power,
caused the image to disappear and standing before her, a man, put his
arn)s about her, and made hot love to her, saying, "Come with me and be
my wife." The goddess consented to his proposition, and allowed him to
lead her up into the mountains to the mystic region of Piha' na-ka-lani.
Entering the house they found the place full of beautiful birds of gay
plumage, one bird standing uopn another four tiers in height all about
the apartment. In wonder Uli-poai turned to her lover for an explanation
of the bewildering sight, but he had disappeared, having assumed the
shape of an image. Thereupon the goddess, true to the woman in her,
burst into tears and was in great distress. Presently an old woman
came in and kindly asked her what was the matter, and she told her
story from the beginning. "I will find your husband for you," said the
old dame, and she took her into an adjoining house and showed her a
large number of images ranged along the side of the apartment. "Which
of thciie images would you choose for a husband, if you were to take
one?" asked the old witch. After looking at them all she selected the one
that pleased her and going up to it found it very heavy to lift. She then
119
kissed it affectionately, and that which had been but an image smiled
upon her — it was a human being, her liusband. "Who was it directed
you to my place of hiding?" asked Kauakahi; "it was probably a kantaa-
ina, was it not?" "Yes," said she, "it was an old woman named Kahi-
hi-kolo/' "An ancestor of mine," said Kauakahi, "but now let us return:
to the house." Their bed that night was quilted with bird's feathers.
Soon after this Kilioe, the god of precipices, na pali, sent an invitation
to Kaua-kahi to come and visit him at Haena. Having accepted the in-
vitation, Kauakahi and his bride were conveyed thither by the multitude
of birds. Their stay at Haena was prolonged to the end of the anahulu,
a period of ten days, after which taking their departure, they essayed to
return by way of the region of Wailua. following the precipitous trails
that go inland to Kalalau. Now Kilioe had warned his friend Kauakahi,
saying, "See to it that you keep your image at hand; for you must know
that this wife of yours belongs to the ocean, and will ere long return
thither ; and when she does so she will seek to take you with her, in which
case you will of course be drowned." By and by, having reached the Wai-
lua river, while thev were sitting on the bank of the stream talking to-
gether, of a sudden the woman seized him and plunged into the depths of
the river. But Kauakahi, mindful of his friend's advice, succeeded in sub-
stituting the ini.age in place of himself, and escaped from her embrace,
half dead from his prolonged stay under water.
No sooner did the birds from the mountain note his disappearance,
than they flew to his aid, reaching him just in time to pluck him out of
the water as he rose exhausted to the surface. They bore him on their
wings back to his mountain home, where Kauakahi was content to remain,
enjoying the society of his good friend, Kilioe.
CHAPTER XXIV.
RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES RELATING TO CHILDREN.
1. Here is another occasion on which worship was paid ta
the gods. After the birth of a child it was kept by the mother at
the common housb, called noa, and was nursed with her milk,
besides being fed with ordinary food.
2. When it came time for the child to be weaned, it was pro-
vided with ordinary food only, and was then taken from the
mother and installed at the mna, or men's eating house. In re-
gard to this removal of the child to the mua the expression was
ua ka ia i mua. The eating tabu was now laid upon tke child^
I20
and it was no longer allowed to take its food in the company of
the women.
3. When the child was separated from its mother, a pig was
offered up by the father to the deity as a ranson (mohai panafi)
for the child, in order to propitiate the favor of the deity for
the little one. The pig that was used as an offering was baked
in an oven in the presence of the worshipping assembly, and
being sacred, only those who went in to take part in the cere-
monv ate of it.
4. When the pig had been consecrated, its head was cut off and
set apart for the deity, — though still it was eaten by the people —
being placed on the altar or kua-ahu,^ (kuahu is the accepted or-
thography at the present time) where always stood images
in the likeness of the gods.
5. This image had suspended from its neck a gourd, ipu,
which was perforated to receive a wooden bail. This was called
ipu Lono,' or Lono's gourd.
6. The ear of the pig was now cut off and placed in the
gourd that hung from the neck of the image, and at the same
time a prayer was recited.
7. This prayer, however, was not an extemporaneous suppli-
cation, dictated by the feelings and intelligence of the man, as in
the case of a prayer addressed to Jehovah, but was committed
to memory, as if it had been a mele, a song or poem. Such was
the nature of the prayers offered to their deities by the aliis as
"well as by the people.
8. When all was ready for the recital of the prayer, bananas,
cocoanuts, awa-root, and awa prepared for drinking were set
before the image. The father then took the awa-bowl and of-
fered it to the idol with these words, "Here is the pig, the cocoa-
nuts, the awa, O ye gods, Ku, Lono, Kane and Kanaloa, and ye
Au-makiiasf' At the close of this address he offered the prayer
called
PULE IPU.
9. Ala mai, e Lono, i kou haina^ azva, haina awa nui nou, e
Lono,
He^ ulu mai, e Kea,^ he pepeiao ptiaa, he pepeiao^ ilio, he
fepeiao aina nui — nou, e Lono!
121
Halapa i ke manli! Kukala'^ ia hale-hau! mau, malewa
i ka po; molia ia hai ka po.
O ku'u kaipii^ ; o ku'u hua i ka-ipu; hua i kakala^ ka ipu
kakala; he kalana^^ ipu,
5. O hua i na mo'o a^^ Hi'i! I au i'a ko^^ ia.
Ahia la anoano a ke ahi-kanu,^^ a kanu la, i pua i Haavaiif
A kami la ka ipu nei; a ulu; a lau; a pua; a hua la ka
ipu nei
Hoonoho^^ la ka ipu nei. Kekela ka ipu nei,
O uha/i ka ipu nei, Kalai la ka ipu nei,
10. oki, kua i ka piha ka ipu,
ka ipu ka honua^^' nui nei; po'i ka lani Kuakini.
A hou i ka hakaokao;^^ kakai i ke anuenue,^'^
uhao^^ i ka lili; uhao i ka hala; uhao i ka la mano-
ielc^^ I ona!
ka ipu ka lua mu-a-Iku,^^ ka ipu a makani koha, a
kau ka hoku^"^ afiafi.
15. Ozvahil^^ kani mai, a hea ka uka manu!^^^-^
Ka lalau a ha'a^^ ka manu; ka lalau kuli'a i Wazvau,^^
He malino ^^ a po, e Lono, i ka haunaele;
Na lili la i ka haunaele, na hala la i ka haunaele mau
kahuna^^ ke makala ulua.^'^
Ulua^^ mai, Lono, ulua kolea ino Ma'a-ku-newa^^ awa
lilelile!
20. O makia, Lono, a hano, a hano zvale no!
Kila i nei; muli hala, niuli ke kani W aloha!
Arise, O Lono, eat of the sacrificial feast of av/a set for
you, an abundant feast for you, O Lono!
Provide, O Kea, swine and dogs in abundance! and of
land a large territory — for you, O Lono!
Make propitious the cloud-omens ! Make proclamation for
the building of a prayer-shrine! Peaceful, transparent is the
night, night sacred to the gods.
My vine-branch this; and this the fruit on my vine-
branch. Thick set with fruit are the shooting branches, a plan-
tation of gourds.
5. Be fruitful in the heaped up rows! fruit bitter as fish-
gall.
122
How many seeds from this gourd, pray, have been planted
in this land cleared-by-fire ? have been planted and flowered out
in Hawaii ?
Planted is this seed. It grows; it leafs; it flowers; lo! it
fruits — this gourd-vine.
The gourd is placed in position ; a shapely gourd it is.
Plucked is the gourd ; it is cut open.
10. The core within is cut up and emptied out.
The gourd is this great world; its cover the heavens of
Kiiakini.
Thrust it into the netting! Attach to it the rainbow for a
handle !
Imprison within it the jealousies, the sins, the monsters
of iniquity!
Within this gourd from the cavern of Mu-a-Iku, calabash
of explosive wind-squalls, — till the serene star shines down.
15. Make haste! lest the calabash sound, and the mountain
bird utter its call!
Take hold of it and it crouches; take hold of it and it
displays itself at Vavau.
It has been calm and free from disturbances into the
night, O Lono, free from the turbulent enmities and bickerings
of the kahunas, hunters after men.
Arrest them, O Lono! arrest the malicious sea-birds of
Maa-kii-newa, with their flashing wings !
Confirm this and make it sacred, wholly sacred, O Lonol
20. Bind it securely here ! The faults will be put in the back-
ground ; the babbling waters of Waioha will take a second place.
10. The reference in this pule-ipu are to the gourd suspended
from the neck of the idol and to the articles which had been put
therein.
11. On the completion of this prayer the father took the dry
awa-root and sucked it in his mouth. This was said to be the
idol's drinking of it. It was not really imbibed (by the idol.)
Then he took the strong awa (azva wai anu)y and, mixing it with
water, drank of it and ate of the vegetables and meats until he
was satisfied; and, this done, he declared the ceremony noa^ no
longer burdened with a tabu, using these words: ^'Installed is
123
the child, the awa smitten against the brain. Free is the avva;
there is freedom to come and go; the tabu is entirely lifted. One
is free to travel to the ends of the earth."
12. Then those who had taken part in the service ate the
ix)rk and the vegetables until they had satisfied their hunger,
and thus the ceremony was accomplished. In this it was shown
that the child had come under the eating-tabu, and would no
longer be allowed to eat with the women. Such was the mean-
ing of this service.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXIV.
(i) Sect. 4. This kua-ahu, or ku-ahu was a rustic framework of
wood, decorated with flowers and leaves.
(2) Sect. 5. Ipu-o-lono is also the name applied to a variety or species
of taro.
(3) Sect. 9. Haina awa: There have been numerous conjectures as
to the meaning of the word haina. After considering them all, I have
come to the conclusion that it means the feast (aha-aina), or what
amounts to almost the same thing, the assembly gathered to sacrifice and
do honor to the god. (It has been suggested that it might have its origin
in the Maori "wahainga kawa" the act of repeating certain prayers, called
kawa, connected originally with offerings of awa; hence haina might
mean *'the offering." The Maori expression "zvhai i te kawa" means to
recite the kawa (prayer). Whai is itself a noun-form of prayer, also-
used in taking the kapu off houses, healing a burn, &c.) This suggestion
serves to mark to what an extent meanings of words in Hawaii have
drifted away from that of their originals in southern Polynesia.
(4) Sect 9. He ulu mai: He is the equivalent of the causatives, ho,
ho'Oj ha, ha'a, all of which forms are found in the Hawaiian, or it may
be an unusual, archaic, form of the imperative prefix, which is usually e.
(5) Sect 9. Kea: This is probably the same beneficent goddess, or
kupua, whose full name was Nua kea. She was the goddess of lactation.
The name was also applied to the woman who acted as wet-nurse to a
young prince or princess, and whose breasts were therefore sacred to that
duty, kapu to others. I am told that when the time came for a woman
to wean her nursling, she would some times call upon Nua-kea to staunch
the flow of milk in her breasts, using perhaps the following prayer:
E Lono, e Kane, e Nua-kea, ka zvahine iaia ka poli-waiu ke keiki.
^la ke ukuhi nei o Mea.
E lawe aku oe i ha wain ka makuahine.
la oe e ka la, ka mahina, ka hokuj
E lawe oc a kitkulu o Kahiki!
Haalele aku i ka omimo, ka uive wale Mea,
A e hanai oe i ka i'a kapu a Kane,
124
Oia ka hilu* ka noho malie,
Ke ola ia oe, Kane!
Amama. Ua noa.
O Lono, O Kane, O Nua-kea, the woman with a breast of milk for
the child.
We are about to wean Mea.
Staunch the tlow of milk in his mother.
Yours are the sun, the moon, the stars.
Carry away to the pillars of Kahiki
And there leave the emaciation, peevishness and wailing of the child;
Feed him with the sacred fish of Kane,
That is repose (hilu) and quiet.
This is your blessing, O Kane.
Amen. The prayer is ended.
(*) Hilu: This word is used in a double sense. It is the name of a
fish that is variegated with bright colored spots, and also means quiet,
reserved, dignified in a commendable sense.
(6) Sect. 9. Pepeiao, puaa, pepeiao ilio, etc. : The reference is to the
ear, or ears put into the gourd, which was suspended about the neck of the
image. The ear is used as a symbol of ownership, as well perhaps as
of abundance. When an alii cut off a pig's ear he marked it as his own.
The petition is that an abundance of this world's goods be granted to the
child.
(7) Sect 9 kukala ia hale-hau: kukala seems to be used in the
sense of making proclamation ordering a thing to be done. Such was the
custom even after the coming of the white man. J a should probably be i.
hale-hau: It has been a long hunt to trace this word to its burrow.
I am informed that it means a house thatched with the leaves of the hau
tree, the well known hibiscus of Polynesia. The house was of a tem-
porary character and was used by the king and high chief for religious
purposes. I am informed on the best of authority that the hale-hau of
New Zealand — cf. fare-hau of Tahiti — was a council chamber, the house
of the hau, or government. In Polynesia hau or san means the powers that
be. This is another instance aof Hawaiian departure, drifting, from
what was probably the original meaning.
(8) Sect. 9. Ka-ipu: The stem or stalk of a gourd-vine.
(c) Sect. 9. Kakala: From the same root doubtless as kala, or kala-
kala, rough, bristling, in this case meaning beset with shoots.
(10) Sect. 9. Kalana, a small division of land; kalana ipu, therefore a
field of gourd-vines.
(11) Sect. 9. O hua i na moo a Hi'i: The expression moo a Hi'i seems
to have almost the vogue of a proverb. Who this man, hero or god Hi'i
was is more than I have been able to discover. I am informed that
there was a god Hiki — something in the Maori pantheon. The best ex-
125
planation I can give of Ihc passage is that the reference here is to the-
snake-like ridges in which the earth is heaped up about the vines.
(12) Sect. 9. Au i'a; fish-gall. The best calabashes were from gourds
that were exceedingly bitter.
(13) Sect. 9. Ahi-kanu, a probable reference to the use of fire to clear
land for planting. There is probably a reference in the expression to the-
ravages of war, a war of conquest.
(14) Sect. 9. Hoonoho, to place, to put the immature gourd in a
position favorable to symmetry.
(15) Sect. 9. O ka ipu ka honua, etc.: This comparison of the world"
and the sky to the body and cover of a calabash is a piece right out of
Polynesian cosmogony. The seeds of the gourd, when scattered through
the sky, become stars, and the pulpy mass inside the clouds, the cover
belikened to the solid dome of heaven, ka lani. As to who was Kua-kini
I have not been able to discover.
(16) Sect. 9. A hou i ka hakaokao: I am told that hakaokao is the
name applied to the net that enclosed a calabash that was used as a kind of
clothes trunk. The name is said to also hnve been applied to the net itself.
Exactly how this kind of calabash differed from the ipu holo-holo-na, ini
which the fisherman was wont to stow his hooks, lines and small appur-
tenances, I am unable to say.
(17) Sect. 9. Kakai i ke anuenue; This might be more literally trans-
lated, make the rainbow a handle. By a bold and beautiful figure the
poet cojiipares the arched bail or handle of the net about the calabash to
the rainbow.
(18) Sect. 9. O uhao i ka lili. O in this is the prefix of the impera-
tive .mood. Ka in the phrase ka lili is the singular form of the article-
which is here used instead of the plural. Such practice was specially com-
mon in archaic Hawaiian.
(19) Sect. 9 mano lele i ona: In the text the words are fused into
one continuous length manoleleiona much to the perplexity of the trans-
lator. Disentangled they array themselves thus. The mano lele, literally
a flying shark, is doubtless figurative of a big sinner.
(20) Sect. 9 ka lua mu a Iku: This would probably be a more
correct reading than ka lua Mu-a-Iku. In the original the words are run
together kaluahiuwaiku, with the addition of a tc. It is impossible to
make sense out of such a formless string of letters. Obedient to the
duty of an editor, as well as of a translator, I have arranged the letters into
words in such manner as to make the sense best agree with the context.
The literal interpretation of ka lua mu a Iku would be something like the
haunted cave of Iku. There is an interesting story hidden under this al-
lusion to Iku's cave, which I have only partially uncovered. Iku was.
a kU'pua who lived at Kuai-hc-lani in the southern region called Kululu-
oKahiki, having for wife Ka-papa-ia-kea, by whom he had twelve chil-
dren who were always designated as So-and-So-a-Iku (a-Iku means the;
child of Iku). Iku inhabited an under ground cavern, in which grew
126
famous gourds. These gourds, or some of them., are said to have had a
voice, capable of emitting an explosive sound, "an explosive wind-squall"
as put in the translation. It is useless to inquire or conjecture what nat-
ural phenomenon gave rise to this peculiar legend, of which I have been
able to obtain only a fragment. There is, I think, no reference in this
legend to the famous ipu a Laa-mao-mao.
(21) Sect. 9 a kail ka hoku aiai: It seems as if the shining of
the star was so as to look into the mouth of the cave. The meaning is
not evident.
(22) Sect. 9. Oivahi, a word not to be found in the dictionary, and
which I had never met until by inquiry I learned that it meant to hasten,
be in a hurry, bestir one's self.
(J2'/6) Ka uka lyianu: A possible reference to the call of the sacred
elepaio, a bird whose early note is often interrupting the works of heroes.
(23) Sect. 9. Kd lalau, a haa manu; &c. The figure is that of
the hunter putting his hand on a bird — probably in this case the uau, a fat
bird, which, though frequenting the sea, nested in the mountains — on which
the bird instantly .squats down, crouches; again he puts his hand on the
"bird and it stands forth, shows itself, (kuli'a) in....
(24) Sect. 9. IVawau, the .^^ame as Vavau, an island in the northern
part of the To^igan group. (In the Hawaiian W represents both the sound
zcay and the sound zmy.) Mr. S. Percy Smith, than whom there is
no better authority on such points, says: *Tn his prayer Wawau (^Va-
vau) : Porapora=Polapola — Havaii^Lani-akca." In his opinion Wawau,
i. e., Vavau, is a sacred name for Havaii or Lani-akea, the proof on this
point is round about and cumulative.
(25) Sect. 9. Malino : A clear sky was an omen of favorable significance
in connection with the performance of any religious rite, or the utterance
of any prayer.
(26) Sect. 9 haunaele mau kahuna: We have here an interior
view of the wranglings and bickerings that went on among the body of
kahunas.
(27) Sect. 9. Makala ulua: Makala, a trail made by wild animals;
makala ulua, a place frequented by those who fished for ulua: ulua, the
name of a fish, was also a euphemism for a human body used in sacrifice.
(See the account in Chap. XXXVII, p. 173.)
(28) Sect. 9 Ulua mai, e Lono. .This repetitious use of the word
ulna in an entirely new sense, of which the present example forms a
capital instance, is one of the artifices that marks Hawaiian poetry.
(29) Sect. 9. ...kolea ino Maa-ku-newa: Mo-i, a kupua, or king
of Molokai, sent Maka-ulili, the ruler of the ko-leas, to Vavau to bring
an assortment of those birds, i. e., the plover. He returned with one lau
(400) kolea ulili, one lau of mischievous kolea, and one lau of good kolea.
The birds were located on the hill Ha-upu, near Pele-kunu valley. It was
Ihcn noticed that the hill at times sank below the surface of the ocean,
127
and then as mysteriously rose from beneath waves. Mo'i sent a flight of
the plover to learn the cause of this nnusital phenomenon. They returned
and reported that it was caused by the uneasy motions of a huge turtle, on
which the hill was based, and they urged him to put an end to the dis-
firbance by killing the turtle. Mo'i declined their advice and in revenge
the kolca ino stole upon him while asleep, and tore his face with their
talons; the hero, or wizard, Mo'i, then had all the mischievous birds,
kolea ino, who had sought to tear his eyes out, banished to the barren
hill of Maa-ku-neiia.
In a pule anaana, i. e., an incantation to cause the death of some one,
occurs the following passage:
Kela kolea ino ulili o Ma*a-ku-ne7va;
Newa i ka tilu kai o Kahiki, c Lono!
That teetering plover of Ma'aku-newa that portends foul weather;
Ruffling the sea on its way from Tahiti, O Lono!
It is a common saying that the seesawing of the plover on the shore
is a sign of coming storm.
As an instance of the mention of the kolea in ancient poetry, I quote
from an old mele, as repeated to me:
A luna au o Akani- kolea,
A nele i ka hokahoka.
I stood on Akani-kolea,
My hopes entirely bankrupt.
The allusion in this fragment is to the story of Hii-aka (i-ka-poli-
o-Pele.)
CHAPTER XXV.
CONCERNING THE CIRCUMCISION OF CHILDREN.
1. After installation in the niua, when the boy had increased
somewhat in size, was the time suitable for his circumcision. It
was a religious rite and the ceremony resembled that of installa-
tion in the mua (ke ka ana i mua),
2. This rite of circumcising the foreskin was conducted in
the following manner: A pig was offered to propitiate the deity
and the friends of the child's parents were gathered in a relig-
ious assembly to celebrate the event.
128
3- When the pig that was used as an offering was baked
to a turn, the operation of circumcision took place, and the man-
ner of performing it was as follows :
4. Four men held the child fast. One was at the back of the
child with the child held against his breast; at the same time
the man held the little one's arms folded against his neck so that
it could not move.
5. The length of the foreskin was measured from the extrem-
ity of the prepuce to its junction within, and at this point a black
line was marked with charcoal. The length was also measured
within to the point where the prepuce was reflected, and com-
pared with the length indicated by the black mark made on the
back of the penis.
6. Then one man held a thigh of the child with his left hand,
and with his (right) hand seized one side of the preputial skin,
and another man on the other side of the child did likewise, pull-
ing the stretched prepuce taut.
7. Then the kahuna stood forth with his bamboo (ohe in place
of a knife), and uttered the following hoohiki, prayer or blessing:
E kii ka ohe, i ho mai ka ohe, he ia ka ohe laulii a Kane, kia i
ke maka ka mai; ua moku}
{E kii ka ohe i Hornaikaohe. Eia ka ohe lauliia Kane.)^
(Oki a i ka maka ka m^i Ua moku.)
Bring the bamboo from Ho-mai-ka-ohe. Here is the small-
leafed bamboo of Kane. Cut now the foreskin — It is divided.
8. Then the kahuna gave the bamboo to the one who was to
perform the operation, and he thrust the bamboo into the preputial
orifice until it reached the head of the penis, as far as had been
measured with the bamboo within, and had been marked with the
charcoal on the outside.
9. Then the foreskin was separated from its adhesions to the
gland below and split lengthwise.^ The blood was now removed
by sucking, the foreskin was dressed with a medicinal leaf, and
th^ child was arrayed in a white malo.
10. After this, a pig having been baked, worship was per-
129
formed in a manner similar to that performed when the child
was taken to the mua. Such was the worship and the prayer.
11. This was the wav in which were treated the sons of the
religionists, of the solid people, people of distinction, of the
kahuna-class, and the sons of the lower ranks of chiefs.
The rite was different (more elaborate) when it touched the
sons of high chiefs; there were also certain people who had no
such ceremony performed at the circumcision of their sons^—
thev were merely taken to the mua and circumcised with no re-^
ligious ceremony whatever.
12. The children of kahunas and of aliis were not allowed,,
however, to partake of common food (ai noa) while they were
being nourished on (their mother's) milk in the noa house. After
being installed at the mua house they were allowed this common
food, but while still at the noa they were fed only on (breast)
milk. It was after this manner that some people acted towards
their children.
NOTES ON CHAPIER XXV.
(i) Sect. 7. The text of this ancient prayer, like that of several others
reported by Mr. Malo. is in a very unsatisfactory state. In the identical
form reported by him it is impossible to make sense out of it, and ini
the translation I have followed an amendment proposed by an eminent
Hawaiian scholar (J. K. K.). I am not altogether satisfied with the
amendment, which is that enclosed in the brackets and numbered (2). In
place of this I would propose what seems to me a simpler way out oi'
the difficulty, namely, that shown in the following :
E kii ka ohe! Homai ke ohe! Eta ka ohe laulii a Kane,
Oki'a i ka maka ka mat! Ua moku.
The translation of this will differ but little from that given.
Bring the bamboo ! Give me the bamboo ! Here is the small-leafed*.
bamboo of Kane.
Cut now the foreskin ! It is cut.
(3) Sect. 9. The Hawaiian operation is, strictly speaking, not circum-
cision at all. The prepuce is merely slit up from its free edge or lip to the-
line of its attachment to the penis. The operation is still occasionally-
practiced by the Hawaiians.
I30
CHAPTER XXVI.
RELIGIOUS WORSHIP FOR HEALING OF THE SICK.
1. When a husband, a wife, a child, or a beloved friend be-
came ill it was an occasion that called for religious ceremonies
{hoomana) .
2. The offering — mohai — of the sick person — it might be a
pig, a fowl, or set of tapa sheets (kuina kapa) was laid before
the gods.
3. It was some friend of the sick man who took the offering
and presented it to the gods and at the same time he uttered
this petition:
4. "O God, be kind to the one who is afflicted with illness;
freely pardon his sins and impurities, his ceremonial faults, his
faults of the heart, his faults of speech and his non-fulfillment of
vows to thee.
5. "Let your anger be appeased by these offerings. Look with
favor upon him and prosper him all the days of his life. Keep in
health his body, until he shall have passed the age of walking
upright, until he shall crawl or shall walk bent over a staff, until
he shall be blinked-eyed {hau-maka-iole) , and then bed-ridden
(pala-lati-hala). Keep him in health until the last trance-vision
(a kau i ka pua-ane-ane) . That is thy benefit to us, O God, and
thus do I worship thee."^
6. Now this was because there was a strong belief that animal
sacrifices were the right means with which to propitiate the deity
and obtain his forgiveness for the sins of men, and healing for
men's bodies — not for their souls.
7. If the malady did not abate, a house was erected to the
deity and a pig was sacrificed and exposed as an offering on a
irame-work, called a lele, where it was allowed to remain (untill
it mouldered away.) Another pig also was oven-baked and its
head offered in sacrifice, but the body of this one was eaten.
8. Supplication was again made to the deity to heal the sick
one, and if he recovered that ended the ceremonies and the
worship addressed to the deity, and if he died, then also was
Ihere an end to the praying and worshipping.
131
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVI.
(i) Sect. 5. E ke Akua, e aloha mat oe i ka mea % mai ia. E kala wale
mat oe i kona hcwa ana, a me kona haumia, a me kona ai-ku, a me kona
ai-a, a me kona waha-hcwa, a me kona hoohiki ino ana ia oe,
E na mai kou lili ma keia mau mohai. E matiu mai oe; c hoola md%
iaia ma ke kino ,a hele ku, a hele kolo, a hele nee, a kolo pupu, a hau-
niaka-iole, a pala-lau-hala, a ola loa a ka pua-ane-ane. Kau ola ia, e ke
Akua. Pela ka'u waiha aku a me ka*u waipa aku ia oe, e ke Akua. Pela
ka'u hoomana ia oe,
N. B. — Kane and Lone were the deities most commonly addressed by
those who offered prayers for the restoration of any one to health. The
practice of medicine — and the Hawaiians had some proficiency in certain
branches of the healing art — was always accompanied by religious cere-
monies of some kind.
CHAPTER XXVII.
CONCERNING DEAD BODIES.
1. A corpse was a very tabu thing in Hawaii nei. It was the
ancients themselves who imposed this tabu ; but the reason for it
and the author of it have not been made known. The mere fact
of the tabu was all that was known in Hawaii nei.
2. Th^ tabu that applied to the dead body of an alii continued
in force longer than that which concerned the dead bodies of
others; it might be ten days or even longer before the ban of
uncleanness would be removed. If it concerned the body of a
person of more than ordinary distinction, perhaps it would be
three days before the ban of uncleanness would be removed ; but if
it were a person of low class it would be only a day or two before
the tabu would be lifted (noa). When the corpse was buried out
of sight then the period of tabu came ^> an end.
The modus operandi of the tabu that concerned corpses was as
follows :
3. On the death of a person in a house in which other people
were hving, those who were not blood-relatives of the deceased
were driven out (kipaku ia), but relatives were allowed to remain
with the body.
4. Tliose who remained with the corpse were considered de-
filed, haumia, and must not on any account enter another house,
132
eat of the food of other people, touch any one else, or do any
work, during the days of their defilement.
5. If the deceased had other friends outside, they were per-
mitted to come and mourn, but other people might not enter the
house in which was the dead body, nor eat of the food, nor touch
any one within, lest they should be defiled.
6. The ceremonies for the dead were as follows : If the dead
person was much beloved, or had died in full vigor and health, i. e.
suddenly, the ceremony of kunP- would be performed on the body
by the kahuna anaana, on the supposition that (in such a case)
the death was from natural causes (make maoli no).
7. Again if the body was that of a person much beloved, hus-
band, or wife, it was the custom to keep it a good many days
before burial.
8. The body was first cut open^ and the inner parts removed,
and it was then filled with salt to preserve it. A body treated in
this manner was termed i'a loa, long fish. It was a common thing
to treat dead bodies in this way.
9. The manner of arranging a corpse for burial I will describe.
A rope was attached to the joints of the legs and then being
passed about the neck was drawn taut until the knees touched the
chest. The body was then done up in a rounded shape and at
once closely wrapped in tapa and made ready for burial.
10. Sepulture was done at night, so that by morning the burial
was accomplished. Then in the early morning all who had taken
part in the burial went and bathed themselves in water, and on
their return from the bath seated themselves in a row before the
house where the corpse had been.
11. The priest was then sent for to perform the ceremony
of huikala, or purification. A sorcerer or kahuna anaana,^ could
not officiate at this service of purification. It was only a temple-
priest, kahuna pule heiau, who could purify one from the un-
cleanness of a corpse or any other source of defilement.
12. The kahuna brought with him a dish filled with sea-water,
which also contained a sea-moss called limu-kala and turmeric;
and standing before the people who sat in a row, he prayed as
follows :
133
13- Lele Uli e! Lele wai e!
He Uli J he Uli, he um. he wai!
Lele au i ke ahiia e Kane me'hani.
Nehelani, nehe ia pika'na ka lani,
A lama. He inn oia,^
Hasten, O Uli ; hasten, O water.
Here is Uli, Uli ; here is water, water.
I fly to thy shrine, O Kane, the approachable one.
A rustling in heaven — it rustles with the sprinkling.
Light appears. The deity is silent.
Then the people respond : He mn.
The deity is silent.
The Kahuna resumes: He-mu ka aiku
He-mn ka aia,
He-mu ka ahula,
He-mu ka paani,
He-mn koko lana,
I koko pua'a!
I koko ilio!
I koko kanaka make!
He mn oia!
Silent and attentive are the rude and unceremonious.
Silent are the wicked and unbelievers.
Silent are the hula-dancers.
Silent are those given to sports and games,
Silent are the hot-blooded ones.
Give us now the blood of swine !
Give us now the blood of dogs !
The blood of the human sacrifice !
The deity is silent.
The people respond: He mu.
The deity is silent.
The kahuna says: Elieli.
Profoundly.
134
The people respond : Kapu.
Tabu.
The kahuna say$: Elieli.
Entirely, profoundly.
The people
Noa,
Free.
The kahuna
lae!
O la!
The people
Noa honua.
Freedom instant and complete
The kahuna then sprinkled the water mixed with turmeric on
all the people, and the purification was accomplished, the defile-
ment removed.
14. After this each one departed and returned to his own house.
When a corpse was buried in such a secret place that it could
not be discovered it was said to be huna-kele,
15. Sometimes a person would secretely exhume the body of
a beloved husband or wife, and remove the four leg-bones and the
skull, washing them in water until they were clean.
16. They were then wrapped up and enclosed within the
pillow, and the friend took them to bed with him and slept with
them every night. The number of corpses treated in this way
was considerable among those who were fond of each other.
17. Instead of the bones just mentioned, perhaps the palm of
the hand would be cut off, dried in the sun and taken to bed
with one. Or, if not the hand, the hair of the head, the teeth,
or the finger nails.
18. These parts of the corpse were preserved by the fond
lover until such time as the love came to an end, when they
were neglected.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XXVII.
(i) Sect. 6. Kuni, an incantation and sorcery for the purpose of re-
vealing and bringing to punishment him who prayed to death {anaana)
the person concerned. For full description see Chap. XXVIII.
135
(2) Sect. 8. Access to the cavities of the body was gained through a
transverse cut made just below the ribs.
(3) Sect. II. The kahuna anaana was feared and shunned as an assassin
would have been. He was from the nature of the case disqualified for
performing such a beneficent ceremony. It would have been like setting
the wolves to guard the sheep.
(4) Sect. 14. This was the favorite way of dealing with the bones of
a very high chief — ^by sepulture in caves and secret places. These were
known only to the kahu, and it was an act of perfidy for him to betray
the secret.
(5) Sect. 13. Mu. I am not sure that I have found and expressed the
true meaning of the word mu. As ordinarily used it means either a bug^
/that lives in wood or an odious official whose duty it was to procure hu-
man victims to be used as sacrifices in the dedication of a heiau or other
important building. Neither of those uses will suit the meaning in this
case. The language is evidently quite archaic, and it seems probable that
the word is no longer used in the same meaning. Such was my conclusion
after much searching for a clue as to the probable meaning of this term.
On referring the matter to a learned Hawaiian, one who had giver me
many useful points, he expressed it as his opinion that the word meant
to be silent. The generic meaning of the word agrees well with my
friend's opinion. Mumule is to sulk in silence; Kamumu is to murmur,,
the gentle, breezy inarticulate sound that comes from a multitude. Mumu.
is to hum, to make an indistinct sound; to be silent; etc., etc. In an an-
cient story I find the word mu to be applied to the buzzing of the flies
about, a dead body.
The meaning of the verse 'He-mu ka aiku\" is that the one who had
been unruly, eating in an unceremonious manner, had now become quiet,
i. e., the assembly is now in order, attentive to the service in hand.
In Maori mu-hore means unlucky; mu-tie silence. (S. P. S.)
In Hawaiian mu-ki' expresses the action of kissing, and is used to
signify the act of sucking a tobacco pipe.
See also p. 141, 2nd line. (W. D. A.)
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CONCERNING THE CEREMONY OF KUNI.^
I. On the death of a rich or distinguished person, or of one
greatly beloved, it would (very frequently) be said that he came
to his death through anaana, that is through being prayed to death,,
for the reason that he was envied for his property, or hated on
account of his distinction. Under such circumstances the cere-
136
mony of kuni would be performed on the body of the dead person.
2. The affair, was conducted in the following manner: The
friend or interested party, having provided himself with a pig,
went before the kahuna kuni and offered it to the deity with
these words:
3. "Here is the pig, o Uli^ in the heavens. This pig is of-
fered to purchase the death of him who prayed to death my friend.
It devolves upon you, o Uli and upon Maka-ku-koae,^ and upon
Ka-alae a-hhut^ to perform the funeral of this man."
4. "Is this the pig to procure anaanaf' asks the kahuna. "Yes."
5. "Then let him go, and observe in what direction he moves."
The pig was then released, and if he went to rooting in the earth,
the kahuna declared that the one who had anaanaed the man was
himself a doomed one, and it would not be long before he would
meet with his death ; "because the pig roots in the earth."
6. If it did not act in this way, but went to the left side of the
kahuna, he would declare, "it seems the death was caused by your
wife's relatives ;" and if the pig went to the right of the kahuna,
he would declare, "so it seems the death was due to the younger
brother's people."
7. If, again the pig passed behind the kahuna he declared
the deceased came to his death through the agency of some out-
ride party, or, if the pig raised his snout in the air, the kahuna
declared that the death was chargeable to some alii; and if the
pig came and stood before the man who brought him, he declared
the responsibilitv for the man's death lay with the man's hoa ai,
his table-companions. This was the gist of the remarks made
by the kahuna.
The kahuna thereupon instructed the man to prepare the
kukui nuts, gourds, and all the other paraphernalia of kuni,
8. Then the man who took the offering returned and reported
the prediction of the kahuna kum, that the one who had caused
the death of the victim by anaana would soon die himself.
9. The friends of the deceased rejoiced greatly when they
heard that the one who had anaanaed their friend was himself
soon to die, and they went to work with alacrity to execute the
commands of the kahuna kuni, so as to have everything ready
to hand before his arrival. By the time the kahuna arrived,
^everything was in readiness.
137
10. The kahuna conducted his operations as follows:
A stone, wrapped in a tapa of the kind called ae-o-kaha-loa/^
having been set before him, the dead body was laid with its
head close to the stone.
11. The kahuna then stood up with the cluster of kukui nuts
and the gourd in his hands and repeated an incantation called the
pule hui which runs thus:
"Tis cluster, sacred cluster, utters its meaning, and it is this:
the cluster this with which the aumakua invokes death upon him
who anaanaed this one, praying that his destruction be turned
back upon himself. Behold this cluster breaks up and scatters, and
so it symbolizes its meaning. This is the compact of Uli, Ka-
alae-a-Hina, and Ku-koa*e ; it pledges death to the one who ana-
anaed him ; his incantation shall be turned back upon himself.
"Behold the cluster breaks up and utters its meaning thus — the
sacred cluster!"
12. Then the kahuna struck the bunch of kukui nuts against
the table of stone which was called the papa ka hui, and the kukui
nuts and gourd were broken and scattered in all directions.
13. From the direction in which the kukui nuts flew the kahuna
again pointed out the locality of those who caused the death, it
being indicated by the direction taken by the nuts. Thus ended
this office of the kahuna kuni.
14. Then a fire-place for the kuni ceremony, called a kapuahi
kuni, was constructed. It was of large size and when built was
wreathed with auhuhu'^ and gourds and a flag^ was displayed at
each corner of it, after which a fire was lighted in the fire-place.
15. Then a number of fowls and dogs were brought as kuni
oflFerings. Men, probably two in number, selected and detailed
for the purpose, then opened the dead body and having cut the
liver into small pieces, stuffed them into each fowl and dog as a
manu-ktmi,^ that is a charm to bring the victim under the spell
of the incantation.
16. The two men who dissected the dead body were (of
course) utterly defiled, anl were therefore not permitted to touch
food with their hands, so that it was necessary for others to feed
them.
17. As soon as the body of a fowl or dog had been charged
with its portion of liver it was thrown into the fire in the fire-
138
place; at the same time the man called aloud, "Here awnes John
Doe,® seeking the one who caused his death by afiaana/'
1 8. After that the kahuna stood up and offered his kuni prayer,
using great fervor and continuing until sunset without eating or
drinking. The prayer might come to and end only when the
sacrifices were reduced to ashes.
19. While the fire burned the kahuna prayed and his prayer
ran thus :
A-a ke ahi, ke ahi aka po Lani-pili}^
A i hea ke ahi, ke ahi crka po Lani-pili?
A i ka lani; make i ka lani;
Popo i ka lani; ilo i ka lani;
Punahelu i ka lani.
Hoolehua i ka lani ka make kahutta anaana.
Me ka lanve-maunUy e Kane.
Ahi a Ku ke ahi.
Kupu malamalama ke ahi ka po a,
Ahi a Kulu-alani e a ana,
Ku IVakea, a ke ahi, he ahi no keia pule.
The fire burns, fire of the night of Lani-pili.
Where bums the fire, fire of the night of Lani-pili ?
It burns in the heavens.
Death in the heavens ; corruption in the heavens ;
Maggots in the heavens; mildew in the heavens.
Heaven speed the death of the kahuna anaana.
And of the one who got for him the maunu, o Kane.
It is the fires of Ku that burn.
Flash forth light of the burning night.
The fires of Kulu-a-lani are burning.
Wakea stands up and the fire burns, fire for this prayer.
20. By the time the kuni offerings were reduced to ashes it
was night. The ashes were then carried down to the ocean and
thrown into a spout-hole together with all the appurtenances of the
fire-place ; the fire-place itself was buried.
21. The next morning a boy and a girl were made to walk
naked about the fire-place, not covering their parts of shame as
they walked.
139
22. As they made their round about the fire place the kahuna
kuni stood and prayed, and when the kahuna had finished his
prayer the ceremony of kuni was completed. Then it was that the
kahuna declared the name of the one who had anaanaed the de-
ceased one.
23. "I have seen," said he, "the wraith or kahoaka of him who
anaanaed this man coming this way, his head down, his eyes
closed, as good as dead. And it will not be long before this one
also shall die.
24. The death to which I consign him is a swelling, a dropsy,
a bloody flux, a vomiting of blood, a broken back. That is the
manner of death I predict for him. Take you note of this."
25. The body was then buried and a different kahuna came —
the one previously spoken of to whom belonged the ceremony of
purification. After this the kahuna kuni received his pay, and
it was a large amount.
26. If after this, any one died of one of the diseases mentioned
by the kahuna, the kahuna in question would be in great demand
and at the same time much feared for his power (mana).
The number of alii that were prayed to death was about the
same as of the common people. As to kuni sacrifices, the number
of those that were required of an alii was greater than what was
required of an ordinary person, because this function of kuni,
(anaana in the text) was a ceremony of worship (hoo-mana) ,
Ordinarily the number of dogs required for a sacrifice was forty,
with double tnat number c^ fowls, but an alii was required to offer
a lau, four hundred dogs, and of fowls an immense number.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVIII.
(i) Sect. I. The subject of this chapter is kuni, not anaana, and I have
accordinglv substituted the word kuni for that of anaana in the title, and
the same has been done as necessary throughout the chapter, as for in-
stance in Sect. 2, where kahuna kuni has been substituted for kahuna ana-
ana. It goes almost without saying that a kahuna anaana would not be
the one to avenge the foul work of his own craft.
(2) Sect. 2 e Uli i ka hoolewa, which is the reading in the text,
I have ventured to amend so as to read e Uli ke aolewa, or olewa. Ao-
lewa is the atmosphere, the space beneath the solid dome {ao paa) of
heaven. Uli may be described as the judicial spirit, as well as the detec-
tive one, fitted therefore to discover the one whose incantations had ana-
anaed and brought death to the deceased. Uli was addressed in prayer:
i
140
E Uli nana pono, O Uli that discerns the right,
E Uli nana hewa O Uli that discerns the wrong. . . .
(3) Sect. 3. Maka-ku-koae, or Ka-maka-ku-koae as it is in the text,
was a male deity who induced craziness (pupule), raving insanity (he-
hena), or palsy and imbecility {lolo\j he was therefore a very appropriate
being to call upon for aid in such an emergency as this.
(4) Sect. 3. Ka-alae-a-Hina, the mud-hen of Hina, a deity who induced
sudden death. Hina had a numerous family of sons, all of them kupuas,
i. e., supernatural beings. Maui, the discoverer of fire, was one of them.
So also was the mud-hen, from whom Maui forced the secret of fire.
(5) Sect. 10. A' e-o-kaha-loa, a wauke tapa of pinkish color.
(6) Sect. 14. These were of white tapa.
(7) Sect. 14. Auhuhu, Tephrosia piscatoria, a small shrubby plant
which is used as a fish-poison.
(8) Sect. 15. Maunu-kuni: this might be a shred of clothing, a bit of
hair, finger — or toe-nail, or any exuviae from the victim's body. Maunu
literally means bait, but originally it meant something moulted or sloughed
off, like feathers, etc.
(9) Sect. 17. In the original prayer of the kahuna the name of the
postulant would be given.
(10) Sect. 19. Lani-pili was the name of a deity; it meant literally a
close, dark, night, a night when the heavens shut down close over the
earth as before they were lilted up and separated from the earth, a clear
reference to the ancient mythology.
The following is communicated to me as a kuni pule used by Wailiilii,
a distinguished kahuna in the old times on the Island of Mplokai :
la Awaiku* ka ua i Lanikeha,**
Ka ua maawe au e Kane,
E Kane pakanaka,
Kane pamahana,
5 Mahana kaua ia oe, e Kane.
E make ka mea nana i kolohe i ku^u keiki,
Make emoole, naha ke kua, eu ka ilo,
Popopo a helelei,
Kau make, e Kane.
The spirits Awaikau send rain from the heavens of LanikeKa,
The fine rain of you, o Kane,
Kane who touches humanity,
Who warms us by his presence.
5 You and I warm to each other Kane.
Send death to him who dealt mischievously with my boy.
Let his be a speedy death, a broken back with rapid decay,
Rotting and falling to pieces.
This is the death I ask you to inflict, o Kane.
(*) Awa-iku: These were spirits that acted as the messengers, spies,
and agents to do the bidding of Kane. They were also guardian spirits,
141
shielding and warding off from people the malign influences of the mu,.
who were a mischievous set of sprites, up to all kinds of minor deviltries
according to their power. These Awa-iku managed the rain, the winds
and the weather and a great many other things, and were beneficent in
their conduct.
(**) Lani'keha: an epithet applied to some part or district of heaven,
the solid heaven. The residence of Kamehameha III at Lahaina was
called Lanikeha.
N.B. The first part of this prayer has the marks of greater age than
the remainder of the prayer. It was a common trick of the kahuna to»
impose on people as well by high— sounding phrases as by other tricks.
CHAPTER XXIX.
CONCERNING THE CEREMONIES ON THE DEATH OF A KING.
1. On the death of a king, one who was at the head of the
government, the ceremonies were entirely different from those
performed on the death oi any other olii whatsoever.
2. When the king was dead his heir was removed to another
district, because that in which his death took place was polluted
by the corpse.
3. The kuni^ priests took a part of the flesh of the dead king's
body to be used as maunu in their incantations against those who
had prayed him to death. The body was then taken to the mua^
house in the presence of the multitude and laid in the heiau, that
it might be deified and transformed into an au-makua.
4. The ceremony was performed bv the kahuna hui working
under the rite of Lolupe,^ who was the god of the kahuna hui. It
was believed that Lolupe was the deity who took charge of those
who spoke ill of the king, consigning them to death, while the souls
of those who were not guilty of such defamation he conducted
to a place of safety {ola, life).
5. The service of the deity Lolupe was in one branch similar
to the ceremony of kuni {or anaana). The deification of the corpse
and imparting godlike power to it was another branch of the
priests' work, and was accomplished in the following manner.
6. The dead body was first wrapped in leaves of banana, war-
uke and taro, a rite which was called kapa lau, garment of leaves,.
142
7- The body being thus completely enveloped, a shallow pit
was dug and the body was buried therein about a foot below the
surface, after which a fire was made on the ground the whole
length of the grave.
8. This was kept constantly burning for about ten days, dur-
ing which time the prayer called pule hui was continually recited.
By that time the body had gone into decay and that night
the bones were separated from the flesh and worship was per-
formed to secure their deification after the following manner.*
9. After disinterment the bones were dissected out and ar-
ranged in order, those of the right side in one place, those of the
left side in another, and, the skull-bones being placed on top,
they were all made up into a bundle and wrapped in tapa.
10. The flesh which had gone to decay (pala-kahuki) and all
the corruptible parts were called pela (pelapela, foul, unclean)
and were cast into the ocean.
11. It was by night that this pela was thrown into the ocean,
on a tabu night. On that night no one from the village must go
abroad or he might be killed by the men who were carrying forth
the pela to consign it to the ocean.
12. After this was accomplished, the bones were put in posi-
tion .and arranged to resemble the shape of a man, being seated
in the house until the day of prayer, when their deification would
take place and they would be addressed in prayer by the kahunas
of the mua. The period of defilement was then at an end ; con-
sequently the king's successor was permitted to return, and the
apotheosis of the dead king being accomplished, he was worship-
ped as a real god® (akua maolu)
13. His successor then built for the reception of the bones a
new heiaUj which was called a hale poki, for the reason that in it
was constructed a net-work to contain the bones, which, being
placed in an upright position, as if they had been a man, were
enshrined in the heiau as a god.
14. After this these bones continued to be a god demanding
worship, and such a deity was called an au-mukua. Common
people were sometimes deified,^ but not in the same manner as
were kings.
143
It was believed that it was the gods who led and influenced the
souls of men. This was the reason why a real god, an akua
maolu^ was deemed to be a spiiit, an uhanc — (or) this is the
reason why it was said that the soul of the king was changed into
a real god, {oia ka mea c olclo ai ka uhofic i akua maoli,)
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXIX.
(i) Sect. 3. The functions of the kahuna kuni and kahuna anaana bore
a strong outward resemblance to each other, but the purpose was different.
The meaning of this passage is that the ceremony of kuni was performed
on the king*s body in order to find out who had compassed his death by
sorcery (anaana,)
(2) Sect. 3. DaWd Malo uses the terms mua and heiau almost as if they
were interchangeable, and meant the same thing. The mua was the men's
eating house, tabu to women. The family idols were probably kept there,
and it seems as if some part of it was set apart as a shrine or hciau,
is) Sect 4, Lolupe, seems to have been rather a ku^ua than a full
fledged deity. This deity was represented by a kite made in the shape
of a fish, with wings, tail, etc.; when made the figure was sent up the
same as any kite. Its special function was to go in search of the spirits
of the dead and bring them before the kahunas for identification, interro-
gation and judgment. Prayer and offerings were used at the time of
its being sent up. The errands committed to it were never of a criminal
nature. A suitable errand to commit to Lolupe would have been the re-
covery of the soul of a dear one from the land of shades, as Hiku brought
back the soul of his bride or sister, Kawelu, after it had gone into the
shades of Milu. * If a man wanted a big piece of land, he might pray to
Lolupe and commit the job to him.
Apropos of Hiku, the following beautiful kattaenae* has been told me
which comes in not inappropriately at this time. Hiku is represented
as climbing the mountain side in search of the shade of his bride:
Pi'i ana Hiku i ke kualono,
Pi'i ana Hiku i ke kualono,
E ka lala e kaukolo ana,
Ua ke'cke'chi ia e Lolupe ka pua, ua haule Halo.
Ka pua kui lei au, e Malaikanaloa.
Homai ana kahi pua, e Lolupe,
I hoolawa ae no ko'u lei.
Hiku is climbing the mountain ridge,
Climbing the mountain ridge,
The branch hangs straggling down,
Its blossoms, kicked off by Lolupe, lie on the ground.
Blossoms to be strung into a lei by Malaikanaloa.
Give me also a flower, o Lolupe,
That I may piece out my wreath.
144
Long before Franklin made use of the kite to draw electricity from
the clouds the Hawaiian kahuna, following the rite of Lolupe, used it to
ensnare ghosts in the heavens.
*A kanaenae is a complimentary address which stands as a prelude to
the more serious matter of a prayer or mele. (In Maori tangaengae is the
prayer used at the cutting of the umbilical cord. S. P. S.)
(4) Sect. 13. Hoaha ia a pa'a i ka aha, as it is in the text, would be
better expressed hoa ia a pa' a i ka aha. I am informed that when, as in
this case, the bones were those of a king, or chief of high rank the
fitting expression was kama ia a pa'a i ka aha, the meaning being in each
case the same. Each limb and the trunk, neck and head were separately
bound with sinnet, and the parts being then placed in position were joined
together to resemble the shape and appearance of a human figure.
(5) Sect. 14. The deification of a common person could be accom-
plished, but it was more burdensome and took longer time to accomplish
than that of a king.
(6) Sect. 14. Akua maoli: The gods Ku, Kane, Kanaloa and Lono,
though making themselves visible to men occasionally in human form per-
haps, were conceived of as spirits, uhane, and as such were spoken of as
akua maoli. Mr, Malo unwittingly, probably as the result of the new
theology which had come for the enlightenment of him and his people,
was inclined to do scant justice to the discarded ideas of his heathen
ancesteor. An akua maoli was, as he says, an uhane. The person of the
dead king was by hoomana, prayer and incantation made into an akua
maoli. Theologic disapproval of the use of images, eikons and relics as
aids to a devotional frame of mind must not blind us to the fact that
while the culture of the ancient Hawaiians had advanced so far as to
have attained the idea of a spiritual deity, it had not gone far enough to
be able to dispense with that old time crutch of superstition, the image
and the effigy. It is one thing for a people in the natural course of
religious evolution to make use of the image, as an aid to the imagina-
tion, in the attempt to form a definite concept of the unseen, but quite
another thing to relapse from a higher plane of rehgious evolution and
take up again with the defunct and discarded emblem. Such a retro-
gression is a sure sign of mental and moral degeneracy.
CHAPTER XXX.
THE MEDICAL TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
I. The medical treatment of the sick was a matter that be-
longed to the worship of the gods. When any one was seized
with an illness a messenger was despatched to the kahuna who
145
practiced medicine, kahuna lapaau, taking with him an offering
for mai'Ola,^ the god of medicine.
2. When the messenger came before the kahuna the latter in-
quired regarding the disease, and having learned about it, before
beginning the treatment, he forbade certain articles of food to the
sick man.
3. The sick man must not eat the squid, moss, beche de mer,
loli, a certain fish called kualaka'i, nor the ina, wana, or haukeke,
echini, nor the pipipi,^ — the small sea-shell, Nerita, which is much
eaten; all of these were forbidden, together with such other fish
as the kahuna saw fit.
4. When the sick man had agreed to these restrictions, the
kahuna began his treatment by administering some sort of potion,
5. After the treatment had continued a while, if the kahuna
saw that the disease was about to let up he went and slept for a
night in the mua,^ that he might worship the god of medicine and
so he might obtain a sign from the deity whether the sick man
would recover or die.
6. He took with him to the mua a certain kind of moss {limu
kala probably), also some pipipi shells, such things in fact as he
had forbidden the man to partake of. If rain fell during the night,
he regarded it as an unpropitious omen, in which case he spent,
another night there.
7. If, however, there was no rain that night the kahuna accept-
ed the omen as favorable, and at daybreak he lighted a fire and
performed the ceremony called pu-limu.^ He also baked a fowl,,
as an offering to the au-makua, of which only the kahuna ate.
Two dogs also were baked, one for the mua, or men's house, and
one for the noa or common sleeping house. Five sheets of tapa-
cloth were used to cover the oven^ for the' mua, and five to cover
the oven for the noa. When the animals were baked, the men
assembled at the mua and ate their portion of the sacrifice in com-
pany with the sick man, at the same time paying their worship
to the god of medicine. Likewise the women in the noa house
at the same time worshipped the female god of medicine. (On
Molokai this was La'a^uli.)
8. After the ceremony of the pu-limu fire was over, the medi-
cal treatment of the patient was resumed. For a cathartic the
146
juice of the koali (a convolvulus) was used; as an emetic was
administered a vegetable juice called pi'i-ku (obtained from the
fresh green stems of the ku-kui nut.) The- enema was sometimes
employed. Another remedy was the popo kapai,^ To reduce
fever a draught of raw taro- juice or yam- juice, called apu-kalo or
apu uhii^ was found to be of service.
9. The next thing was to make a hut called hale hau, which
was done with sticks of hau wood and was arched on top. The
sick man was removed to this little hut and given a steam-bath,
after which he was bathed in sea-water and then nourishment
was administered. After this the ceremony of the pipipi fire was
performed which was very similar to the pu4imu fire. A fowl
was then sacrificed to the aumakua; a dog was baked for the
mua and another for the noa. Five tapas were used in covering
the oven for the mua and five to cover that for the noa. When all
this had been done the prognosis of the sick one was again con-
sidered.
10. If it was seen that the patient was somewhat relieved
(maha)y the kahuna took the next step, which was to put the
patient to bed and perform the ceremony called hee mahola.^
If rain fell that night it was a bad omen and the kahuna then in-
formed the sick man that he must die, because the omens derived
from the hee mahola ceremony were adverse.
11. If, on the other hand, no rain fell that night the kahuna
assured the man he would live. "The hee mahola has been attend-
ed with favorable omens. You will surely recover."
12. The following morning a fire, called ahi mahola, was light-
ed, the squid was cooked, and the prayer called pule hee, having
heen offered by the kahuna, the patient ate of the squid and thus
ended the medical treatment and the incantations (hoomana.)
13. The treatment of a sick alii was different from that de-
scribed above. Every time the alii took his medicine the kahuna
offered prayer.
E Kiij e Kii ma Kalapua,
E lapu ke kii aku.
Oioi ka maau akua,
Lana'i au i ke anaana,
A ka la papa i ke akua i laau waiola.
147
image, o image at Kalapua,
What if the god-image plays the ghost?
What if the vagrant ghosts act with insolence ?
1 am secure from the anaana,
By the day which the deity has made clear,
Deity with the water of life.
Only after the repetition of this prayer did the alii swallow his
medicine.
14. The hee mahold^ ceremony was thought to be the thing to
disperse (hehee) disease and bring healing to the body. When
an (dii had recovered from a malady he built a heiau, which was
called either a Lono-puha^^ or a kolea-muku}^
Such were the incantations in connection with the treatment of
disease. When the work of the kahuna was done he was reward-
ed for his professional services.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXX.
(i) Sect. I. I can gain no information about Mai-ola. Among the
several deities that are represented as presiding over the healing art is
Mauli-ola. MauU-ola seems to have been an akua maoli and not to have
had any visible representation, so far as can be learned. The word had
a considerable variety of applications. As, for instance, the breath of life,
or the first inspiration, after the close call of death, were called mauli-ola.
A physician, or his art, when successful in prolonging life was called
mauli-ola; also a prayer or vow which brought life was called mauli-ola.
The above statement is in accordance with the views of an expert in such
matters from the island of Molokai. He also communicates to me the
following :
PRAYER TO MAULI-OLA.
/ Hiiaka^ paha oe, i Hiialo^ i kakahiaka nei.
I ka laau a ke kaukau alii, i nut ke aho,
A hiki ia Mauli-ola, i ka heiau i Mahina-uli,
I ola ia Mauli-ola.
Perhaps thou are in Hiikua, perhaps in Hiialo, this morning.
Give virtue to the chiefs medicine;
Grant him great vigor, and let him attain health.
To worship at the heiau of Mahina-uli. c
Life through Mauli-ola ! (The Maori mother savs to her child, when
it sneezes, "Tihe mauri ora!'* sneeze, living heart!)
(a b) Hiiaka, Hiialo, unknown places, remote and mystical. There is
a suggestion in this of the ironical speech of Elijah to the priests of Baal.
148
(c) Mahina'Uli„2i heiau in Kohala, at Kipahulu.
(2) Sect. 3. The list of things forbidden is, I am told, such as in
accordance with Molokai practice would be denied to children and young
persons. If it were an adult male the red fish, kumu, and the i'o kea,
mullet, would be denied to the patient. If it concerned a woman the
things denied would include such articles as ananalo and olati,
(3) Sect. 5. The mua must have been the place where the family-
idols were kept, where was the family shrine.
(4) Sect. 7. Pu limu: Into the fire were thrust a number of the
forbidden articles of food, and while these were burning, two men, with
bunches of twigs, fanned away the smoke and flames, and then the ashes
and coals, until the hearth was clean and bare. This was done as a
symbol of physical and spiritual cleansing and pardon.
(5) Sect. 7. The Hawaiian imu, oven, was a hollow in the ground
lined and arched over with stones. Live steam was the cooking agent.
To retain this the food was covered with leaves, mats and earth. In the
case of this particular oven, tap a was substituted for leaves.
(6) Sect. 8. Pofw kapai: The bruised leaves of the popolo were
made into a ball and rubbed over the abdomen of the sick man. The
juice of popolo was also effective as a laxative.
(7) Sect. 8. Apu kalo — The juice of the taro, being very irritant in
its raw state, was mixed with the milk and juice of the cocoanut, and with
sugar cane juice to make it more agreeable. The juice of ahuawa was
sometimes added as a corroborant. It was given to relieve the malaise
and distress which accompany fever. _
(7) Sect. 8. Apu hui. This was giv^n as a febrifuge and mild laxative.
(8) Sect. 10. Hce makola. Hoomoe hou i ka hce mahola. In this
peculiar ceremony a squid, which was taken while lying spread out on
the ocean bottom, was offered to the deity in the same attitude.
(9) Sect. 14. Hee mahola. This is an instance of that confusion
which prevails in the savage mind by which the name of a thing is ac-
credited with the powers and attributes of the thing itself. Thus hee
means squid (t. e., octopus) and it also means to dissolve, disperse, put
to flight. Hence its use to put to flight a disease. We find the same
process of thought in enlightened minds.
(10) Sect. 14. Lono-puha, an ancient god of healing. To him be-
longed particularly chronic diseases. Puha was an ulcer or abcess.
The following story is told me of the origin of Lono's power in medi-
cine: In remote antiquity, Lono took upon him the human form and was
a great farmer. One day while Lono was busy with his 00 in his culti-
vated fields, Kane called to him, ''Oh, Lono, what are you doing?'* Lono
stood up and, looking at Kane, thought to strike the 00 into the ground,
but instead wounded his own foot. "I have hurt my foot," said Lono.
"Take of the leaves of the popolo," said Kane, "which you will find grow-
ing at hand and apply them as a remedy." He did so and his foot was
at once made whole. P'rom that time Lono became a skilled physician.
149
He knew at once that the one with whom he was talking was Kane.
"Yes, I am Kane, to whom you have prayed," said he in answer to the
question of Lono. Kane then taught Lono the properties of medicinal
plants. Lono then became the great patron of kahuna lapaau. Kane went
away; but there were set up the pohaku o Kane, monoliths, which are
still found from one end of the group to the other.
(ii) Sect. 14. Kolea muku, a god who healed acute diseases.
(12) Sect. 10. Whatever concerns the treatment of the sick by means
of sorcery, prayers to supernatural beings, and all the mystic parapher-
nalia of savagedom, is of such interest that I feel compelled to add the
following note regarding he^e mahola, apropos of the Hawaiian text, ala-
lia hoomoe hou ke kahuna i ka he'e mahola, found in section 10. This
note is based on fuller information (gained from O. K. K. of Molokai).
The patient is put to bed without medicine and that night towards
morning the fishermen seek to obtain a he'e mahola. That is an octopus
which is lying on the sand, outside of its hole, with its legs extended on the
ocean floor. While letting down his leho for the creature, the fisherman
repeats the following prayer. The same prayer is likewise used by the
kahuna when he puts the sick man to bed :
PULE HEE.
E Kanaloa, ke akua ka he'el
Eia kau ma'i Kalua.
E ka he'e kai uli,
Ka he'e o ka lua one,
5 Ka he'e i ka papa
Ka he'e pio!
Eia ka oukou ma'i, Kalua,
He ma'i hoomoe ia no ka he'e palaha.
Eia ka leho,
10 He leho ula no ka he'e-hoopai.
Eia ke kao, he laau,
He lama no ka he'e-mahola, no ka he'e-palaha.
E Kanaloa i ke ku!
Kuli'a i ke papa,
15 Kuli'a i ke papa he'e,
Kuli'a i ka he'e kai uli!
E ala, e Kanaloa!
Hoeu! hoala! e ala ka he'e!
E ala ka he'e-palaha! E ala ka he'e-mahola!
O Kanaloa, god of the squid !
Here is your patient, Kalua.
O squid of the deep blue sea,
Squid that burrows in the sand,
5 Squid that inhabits the coral reef,
ISO
Squid that squirts water from its sack,
Here is a sick man for you to heal, Kalua by name,
A patient put to bed for treatment by the squid that lies flat.
Here is the cowry,
10 A red cowry to attract the squid to his death.
Here is the spear, a mere stick,
A spear of lama wood for the squid that lies flat.
O Kanaloa of the tabu nights.
Stand upright on the solid floor!
15 Stand upon the floor where lies the squid!
Stand up to take the squid of the deep sea 1
Rise up, O Kanaloa!
Stir up! agitate! let the squid awake!
Let the squid that lies flat awake, the squid that lies spread out.
The former part of this pule is evidently that which is repeated over
the sick man, the second part is that which is repeated when the cowry is
let down into the ocean for the squid.
CHAPTER XXXL
NECROMANCY.
1. Necromancy, kilokilo uhane, was a superstitious ceremony
very much practiced in Hawaii nei. It was a system in which
bare- faced lying and deceit were combined with shrewd conjec-
ture, in which the principal extorted wealth from his victims by
a process of terrorizing, averring, for instance, that he had seen
the wraith of the victim, and that it was undoubtedly ominous of
his impending death. By means of this sort great terror and
brooding horror were made to settle on the minds of certain per-
sons.
2. The sorcerer, kahuna kilokilo, would announce that the
wraith or astral body of a certain one had appeared to him in
spectral form, in a sudden apparition, in a vision by day, or in a
dream by night.
3. Thereupon he called upon the person whose wraith he had
seen and
4. Stated the case, saying, "Today, at noon, while '"t my place,
I saw your wraith. It was clearly yourself I saw, though you
were screening your eyes.
5. You were entirely naked, without even a malo about your
loins. Your tongue was hanging out, you eyes staring wildly at
me. You rushed at me and clubbed me with a stick until I was
senseless. I was lucky to escape from you with my life.
6. Your au-makua is wroth with you on this account. Per-
haps he has taken your measure and found you out, and it is
probably he who is rushing you on, and has led you to this action
which you were seen to commit just now.
7. Now is the proper time, if you see fit, to make peace with
me, whilst your soul still tarries at the resting place of Pu'u-ku-
akahi.^ Don't delay until your soul arrives at the brink of Ku-
a^ke-ahu.^ There is no pardon there. Thence it will plunge into
Ka^paaheoJ^ the place of endless misery."
8. At this speech of the kahuna kilokilo, the man whose soul
was concerned became greatly alarmed and cast down in spirit,
and he consented to have the kahuna perform the ceremony of
kala, atonement, for him.
9. The kahuna then directed the man whose soul was in dan-
ger first to procure some fish as an offering at the fire-lighting
(hoa ahi ana,) The fish to be procured were the kala, the zvekcy the
he'e or octopus, the maomao, the palani, also a white dog, a white
fowl, awa, and ten sheets of tapa to be used as a covering for the
oven.
10. When these things had been made ready the kahuna pro-
ceeded to perform the ceremony of lighting the fire (for the
offering) that was to obtain pardon for the man's sin (hala.)
11. The priest kept up the utterance of the incantation so long
as the fire-sticks were being rubbed together ; only when the fire
was lighted did the incantation come to an end. The articles to
be cooked were then laid in the oven, and it was covered over
with the tapa.
12. When the contents of the oven were cooked and the food
ready for eating, the kahuna kilokilo stood up and repeated the
pule kala, or prayer for forgiveness :
E Ku i ke kala,
E lono i kau weke kala,
Weke puha ia,
Kalakala i Ahuena,
152
Kapu ka aha o ke makala au e Kane,
Kala weke puha ia.
Oh Ku, the forgiving,
Oh Lono who grants pardon,
Giving full pardon,
Undo the knot of our sins at Ahuena.
Tabu is the ceremony presided over by you Kane.
Pardon is wide and free.
13. After this prayer the one in trouble about his soul ate of
the food and so did the whole assembly. This done, the kahuna
said, "I declare the fire a good one (the ceremony perfect), con-
sequently your sins are condoned, and your life is spared, you
will not die." The kahuna then received his pay.
If one of the chiefs found himself to be the victim of kilokilo,
he pursued the same plan.
14. House-building was a matter that was largely decided by
incantation (hooiloilo ia), there were also many other matters
that were controlled by the same superstition, enterprises that
could not succeed without the approval of kilokilo.
15. The makaula, or prophet, was one who was reputed to be
able to see a spirit, to seize^ and hold it in his hand and then
squeeze it to death. It was claimed that a niakaula could discern
the ghost of any person, even of one whose body was buried in
the most secret place.
16. The makaula made a spirit visible by catching it with his
hands; he then put it into food and fed it to others. Any one
who ate of that food would see the spirit of that person, be it of
the dead or of the living. The makaula did not deal so extortion-
.ately with his patrons as did the kilokilo uhane.
17. The makaulas termed the spirits of living people.* The
•oio comprised a great number (or procession) of spirits. A single
spirit was a kakaola. The spirit of a person already dead was
termed a kino-wailua.
18. The kaula,^ prophets or foretellers of fututre events, were
supposed to possess more power than other class of kahunas. It
was said that Kane-nui-akea was the deity who forewarned the
kaulas of such important events as the death of a king (;alii ai au-
153
puni)y or of the overthrow of a government. These prophesies
were called zvanana.
19. The kaidas^ were a very eccentric class of people. They
lived apart in desert places, and did not associate with people or
fraternize with any one. Their thoughts were much taken up
with the deity.
20. It was thought that people in delirium, frenzy, trance, or
those in ecstacy (poe hewahezvd) were inspired and that they
could perceive the souls or -spirits of men the same as did the
kaulas or the makaulas, i. e., prophets and soothsayers. Their
utterances also were taken for prophesies the same as were those
of the kaiila.
It was different, however, with crazy folks (pupule) and mani-
acs (hehena) : they were not like prophets, soothsayers and those
in a state of exaltation, i. e., the hezvahezva. Crazy people and
maniacs ate filth, and made an indecent exposure of themselves.
Those in a state of exaltation, prophets and soothsayers did not act
in this manner. There were many classes of people who were
regarded as hewahewaj (i. e., cranky or eccentric.) This was
also the case with all those who centered their thoughts on some
fad or specialty — (some of them were perhaps monomaniacs) —
some of them were hewahen^a and some were not.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XXXI.
(i) Sect. 7. A lele aku kou uhatie ma Ka-t>aaheo, ma kahi make
mau loa. The notion implied in the expression, make man loa, ever-
lasting death, would seem to be an imported thought, not at all native
to the Polynesian mind. It seems as if Malo had allowed his new theo-
logy to creep in and influence his statement at this place.
(2) Sect. 7. Apropos of Puu-ku-aka/ii, Ku-a-ke-ahu, and Ka-paa-
heo: If, on account of some fault or sin (hala), the uhane hclc, wand-
ering soul, became at variance with its aumakua, the aumakua would
conduct it to the resting place or tarrying place of souls called Puu-ku-
akahi, at which reconciliation and pardon were still possible, and if this
were obi'ained the aumakua conducjted it back to the body and restored
it to the joys of earth. Souls frequently wandered away from the body
during sleep or unconsciousness. If reconciliation was not made, it
travelled on to Ku-a-kc-ahu, the brink of the nether world of spirits
(Hades, Sheol), whence it plunged {Icina uhane) into Ka-paa-hen. This
was an insubstantial land of twilight and shades, a barren and waterless
waste, unblest by grass, or flower, or tree, or growing herb. Here the
famished ghosts of men, who fled each other's presence in fear and sus-
154
picion, strove to appease their hunger by eating butterflies, moths and
lizards. This region was under the sway of Milu, and hence was called
ka lua o Milu. It was from this place that Hiku rescued the ghost of
his sister or bride, Kawelu (Legend of Hiku and Kawelu). Entrance to
Milu was supposed to be gained through a pit situated in the mouth of
Waipio vallejr, on Hawaii, also in some other places.
(3) Sect. 15. The art or action of soul-catching is generally spoken
of as po'i-uhane.
(4) Sect. 17. Oio — this is generally used to mean a procession of
the souls of the dead. Such processions are claimed to have been seen
by persons now living on the road between Waimea and Hamakua
("mudlane"), on Hawaii. Apropos of the spirits of the night and of
ghosts, it is said that if luau be cooked after dark it is liable to be eaten,
or defiled by the touch of the foul spirits of the night, hpu o ha po.
To guard against this it was the custom to wave a lighted candle about
the dish to drive them away. The term kino-waihia was also applied to
the second soul, which, it was alleged, sometimes wandered nway from
the body during sleep and got into trouble to the peril of its owner.
(5) Sect. 18. Kaula. There seems to be some doubt whether this
word is of equal antiquity with the word makaula* Kapihe was a noted
kaula of the last century, living in Kona, Hawaii, at the time when
Kamehameha was a general under Kalaniopuu. To Kapihe was ascribed
the following^ oracular utterance (wanana) which is of the nature of a
prophecy :
E iho ana luna; e pit ana o lalo;
E hui ana ua moku; e ku ana ka paia. '
That which is above shall be brought down;
That which is below shall be lifted up;
The islands shall be united ;
The walls shall stand upright.
i
Opulupulu of Waianae was another famous prophet or makaula. He
uttered this oracular expression, / nui ka mama, a pa i ke kai. No ke
kai ka aina. This prophecy, if so it may be called, was uttered in the
time of Kahahana, and referred, perhaps, to invasion from abroad.
According to another account, or version of this same prophesy it was
as follows : **E hoonianawanui a pa ka ili i ke kai ; no ke kai ka aina."
Like an utterance of the Delphic or Pythian oracle the meaning of this
saying is not apparent.**
*By some scholars the word maka'ula is compounded from maka=tye,
and M/a=red.
**The term Kaula was used by the scholars who made the Hawaiian
translation of the Bible to signify prophet.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CONCERNING OBSESSION.
(Akua Noho})
1. A spirit that enters into a person and then gives forth
utterances is called an akua noho, that is an obsident deity, be-
cause it is believed that it takes possession of {noho maluna).
the individual.
2. If, after death a man's bones were set in position along with
an idol, and then his spirit came and made its residence with the
bones, that was an akua noho, though specifically termed an unihi-
pilfi or an aumakua.^
3. There was a large number of deities that took possession
of people and through them made utterances. Pua and Kapo
were deities of this sort. What thev said was not true, but some
persons were deceived bv the speeches they made, but not every-
one.
4. Kiha-wahine, Keawe-nui-kauo-hilo, Hia, and Keolo-ewa
were akua noho who talked.
5. Pele and Hiiaka also were akua noho, as well as many other
deities. But the whole thing was a piece of nonsense.
6. There were many who thought the akua noho a fraud, but
a large number were persuaded of its truth. A great many people
were taken in by the trickeries of the kahus of these obsident
gods, but not everybody.
7. The kahus of the shark-gods would daub themselves with
something like ihee-kai (turmeric or ochre mixed with salt water),
muffle their heads with a red, or yellow, }nalo, and then squeak
and talk in an attenuated, falsetto tone of voice. By making this
kind of a display of themselves and by fixing themselves up to
resemble a shark, they caused great terror, and people were afraid
lest they be devoured by them. Some people were completely
gulled by these artifices.
8. The kahus of the Pele deities also were in the habit of
dressing their hair in such a way as to make it stand out at great
length, then, having inflamed and reddened their eyes, they went
about begging for any articles they took a fancy to, making the
threat, "If you don't grant this request Pele will devour you.'^
156
Many people were imposed upon in this manner, fearing that Pele
might actually consume them.
9. From the fact that people had with their own eyes seen
persons bitten by sharks, solid rocks, houses and human beings
melted and consumed in the fires of Pele, the terror inspired by
this class of deities was much greater than that caused by the
other deities.
10. The majority of people were terrified when such deities
as Pua^ and Kapo^ took possession of them as their kahu, for the
reason that, on account of such obsession, a person would be
afflicted with a swelling of the abdomen {opu-ohao) which was
a fatal disease. Many deaths also were caused by obstruction of
the bowels (pani), the result of their work. It was firmly be-
lieved that such deaths were caused by this class of deities.
11. Hiiaka^ caused hemorrhage from the head of the kahii of
whom she took possession. Sometimes these deities played
strange tricks when they took up their residence in any one ; they
would, for instance, utter a call so that the voice seemed to come
from the roof of the house.
12. The offices of the akua noho were quite numerous. Some
of them were known to have uttered predictions that proved true,
so that confidence was inspired in them; others were mere liars,
being termed poo-huna-i-ke-aoiili, which merely meant tricksters,
(heads in the clouds.)
13. Faith in the aktia noho was not very general; there were
many who took no stock in them at all. Sometimes those who
were skeptical asked puzzling questions (hoohuahua lau) of the
akua noho, at the same time making insulting gestures {hoopim-
kahna) — such as protruding the thumb between the fore and
middle finger, or swelling out the cheek with the tongue — doing
this under the cover of their tapa robe ; and if the akua noho, i. e.,
the kahuna, perceived their insolence they argued that he was a
god of power {mana) ; but if he failed to detect them they ridi-
culed him.
14. Others who were skeptical would wrap up some article
closely in tapa and then ask the akua noho *'what is this that is
wrapped up in this bundle?" If the aktia noho failed to guess
correctly the skeptic had the laugh on the akua noho.
^57
15- There was a large number, perhaps a majority of the
people, who believed that these akua nvho were utter frauds, while
those who had faith in them were a minority.®
1 6. The consequence was that some of those who practiced
the art of obsession, or hoonohonoho akua, were sometimes stoned
to death, cruelly persecuted and compelled to flee away.
ly It is said that some practiced this art of hoonohonoho akua
in order to gain the affections of some man or woman.
i8. The practice of hoonohonoho akua was of hoary antiquity
and a means of obtaining enormous influence in Haivaii nei.
19. Some of these miserable practices of the ancient Hawai-
ians were no doubt due to their devotion to worthless things,
(idols?)
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXII.
(1) It would be an equally correct expression in Hawaiian, and would
at the same time better convey to the foreign mind the idea intended,
to say hoonohonoho akua instead of akua noho. Because according to
the theory of obsession held by the Hawaiians themselves the role of the
akua was ofttimes an entirely passive one, the kahuna, or sorcerer being
the active agent; it was he who put the spirit or akua into the human
body or bundle of bones by means of his incantations and hoomanamana,
afterwards feeding him with offerings and with flattery, until he had
grown powerful.
(2) Sect. 2. Unihipili, Aumakua — While it will not do to hold
too rigidly to lines of definition in dealing with such matters as unihi-
pili and aumakua, yet it is evident that Mr. Malo does not give a clear
idea as to the differences between the unihipili and the aumakua. In
general an aumakua was an ancestral deity, whose worship and mutual
service was handed down from father to son. It was, as a rule, an akua
without an image. Ku, Kane, Kanaloa and Lono were aumakua^ as
were a host of lesser gods. A man might have several aumakuas. This
was a useful and necessary precaution, that a man might not be left in
the lurch at a critical time because the aumakua to whom he appealed
for help might be giving ear to the prayer of some one else. The gods
of Hawaii did not seem to have been able to be and do in two places at
the same time.
As a safeguard against the possibility that his aumakua, the one on
whom the kahuna depended to bless the herbs and simples which he
gathered for use in his medical practice, might fail him the kahuva was
wont to keep on hand a supply of these needed things on which the
blessing of the aumakua had already been secured. Thus the kahuna was
not left in the lurch at a critical juncture — wise man!
158
To speak now of the unihipili, that was purely an artificial deity or devil
rather — the work of the kahuna or worshipper, created by hootnanamana,
the miraculous effect of his prayers and sacrifices.
The same person might consistently have two, or more, unihipilis at
the same time. If one oracle was dumb he might be able to get voice
from another.
The Unihi-pili then was a deity that was supposed to have been in-
duced by incantation to take up its residence in an image, a dead body,
or bundle of bones, and that was endowed with malignant power, mana,
as a result of the hoo-mana-mana, prayers and sacrifices, that were of-
fered to it. When the worship and offerings ceased its power and sub-
serviency to its kahu, care-taker and author, came to an end. But such
neglect on the part of the kahu was likely to result in his death from the
vengeance of the offended Unihi-pili,
(3) Sect. 10. Pua was a female deity, principally observed on Mo-
lokai.
(4) Sect. 10. Kapo was also a female deity largely worshipped on
Maui.
(5) Sects. 8, 9, 10, II. All of the akua noho mentioned by name
are of the female sex.
(6) Sect. 15. There were probably very few Hawaiians in ancient
times who did not look with awe upon the manifestations of the akua
fw ho, whatever may have been their misgivings as to the genuineness of
all their pretensions.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE HOUSE — ITS FURNITURE AND ITS CONSECRATION.
1 . The house was a most important means of securing the well-
bein^ of husband, wife and children, as well as of their friends
and guests.
2. It was useful as a shelter from rain and cold, from sun and
scorching heat. Shiftless people ofttimes lived in unsuitable
houses, claiming that they answered well enough.
3. Caves, holes in the ground and overhanging cliflFs were also
used as dwelling places by some folks, or the hollow of a tree, or
a booth. Some people again sponged on those who had houses.
Such were called o-kea^pili-mai} or unu-pehi-iole.^ These were
names of reproach. But that was not the way in which people
of respectability lived. They put up houses of their own.
159
4. Their way was to journey into the mountains, and having
selected the straightest trees, they felled them with an axe and
brought them down as house-timber. The shorter trees were
used as posts, the longer ones as rafters. The two end posts,
called pou-hana,^ were the tallest, their length being the same as
the height of the house.
5. The posts standing alongside of the pouhana, called kukuna,
rays, were not so high as the hcma,^ The kaupaku, ridge-pole,
was a rafter that ran the whole length of the house. On top of
the ridge-pole was lashed a pole that was called the kua-iolc. The
upright posts within the house were called haiakea. The small
sticks to which the thatch was lashed were called a'ho. This com-
pletes the account of the timbers and sticks of the house.
6. The house-posts, or pou, and the roof-beams, or o'a, were
jointed to fit each other in the following manner. At the upper
end and at the back of each post was fashioned a tenon (wahi
oioi), and just below it and also on the back of the post, was cut
a neck, leaving a chin-like projection above, called an auwae
(chin.) Corresponding to this at the lower end of each rafter,
or roof-beam (o'a), was fashioned a mortise in the shape of a
prong to receive the tenon of the post ; likewise at the same end,
and at the back of the rafter, was cut another chin-like projection,
or auwae. (Fig. 2.)
The comer posts having been first planted firmly in the ground,
a line was stretched from one post to another at top and Ix/tt^/m
to bring the posts in line with each other.
The corner posts having been first planted firmly in the
ground, a line was stretched from one post to nnoih(*r ai iir\f
and bottom to bring the posts in line with each f)\ht*r.
8. Then the spaces between one post and anniht^r w^r^
measured and made equal, and all the pfjMf^ <m nn^. n\tU v/**ff
firmly planted; then those on the other Hide; ^ft'*r whi'h \\\t»
plate, or lohdau, of the frame was laid f/ti U/\f of Oi^ j;o**f «i trnfu
one comer post to another,
9. The posts were then 1a,%hed to th^ p)«t^*}, Inht^hni, nf|^^
which the tall posts at each end of thfr Ikaii*^, pfnihufiii, WH^^
set up. This done, the kau-paku, r'p]^^ J/^/l^^ v/n«» li«ld In M<t
place and lashed firmly whh c//fd, ^r>d Sh^u M>/' \oiti\^ n\\Ui\
haiakea, uprights that vjpj/f/rt^d th^ rid^^ )r/rl^, w^M' h^l in
i6o
place. After this the rafters, or o'a, were laid in position and
measured to see at what length they must be cut off.
10. The rafters were then taken down and cut to the proper
length. A neck having been worked at the upper end of each
rafter, they were lashed firmly in position, after which the
kua-iole, a sort of supplementary ridge-pole, was fastened
above the real ridge-pole.
11. The different parts of the frame were now bound together
with cord, and the small poles, called aho,^ on which to bind the
thatch, were lashed in place. This done, the work of putting on
the thatching was begun. The thatch was sometimes of pili grass,
sometimes sugar-cane leaves, and sometimes the leaves of the ti
plant, according to circumstances.^
12. The next thing was to thatch and bonnet the ridge-pole,
after which the opening for a doorway was made, and the door
itself was constructed. In making a door the top and bottom
pieces were rabbetted along the edge, and then the ends of the
boards were set into the grooves.
13. Holes were drilled through the end along the groove with
a drill of human bone, into which holes wooden pegs were then
driven. The middle part was sewed together with cord. The
door-frame was then constructed, having a grooved piece above
and below in which the door was to slide. After this a fence,
or pa, was put up to surround the house and its grounds.
14. On the completion of this part of the work, the kahuna
pule, or priest was sent for to offer the prayer at the ceremony
of trimming the thatch over the door. This prayer was called
the ptde kuwa,'^ and when it had been recited the man entered
into his house and occupied it without further ado {me ka oluolu).
15. It was the custom among all respectable people, the chiefs,
the wealthy, those in good standing (koikoi) and in comfortable
circumstances to have their houses consecrated with some re-
ligious ceremony before living in them.
16. People who were of no account {lapiiimle) did not follow
this practice. They went in and occupied their houses without
any such ceremony. Such folks only cared for a little shanty^
anyway ; the fire-place was close to their head, and the poi-Aish
conveniently at hand ; and so, with but one house, they made shift
to get along.
i6i
17. People who were well off, however, those of respectability,
of character, persons of wealth or who belonged to the alii class,
sought to do everything decorously and in good style; they had
separate® houses for themselves and for their wives.
18. There was a special house for the man to sleep in with his
wife and children (hale noa), also a number of houses specially
devoted to different kinds of work, including one for the wife to
do her work in (hale kua). There was the halan, or canoe-house,
the aleo^ a kind of garret or upper story, in which to stow
things, also the amanay consisting of three houses built about a
court.
19. This way of living corresponded with what the Hawaiians
regarded as decent and respectable.
20. The bowls and dishes, ipti, used by the ancient Hawaiians
in house-keeping were either of wood or of gourd, (pohue),
21. Those who were skilled in the art carved bowls and dishes
out of different woods ; but the kou was the wood generally used
for this purpose. After the log had been fashioned on the out-
side it was either deeply hollowed out as a calabash, or umeke,
or as a shallow dish or platter, an ipiikai, to hold fish-r-or meat. A
cover also was hollowed out to put over the ipukai and the work
was done.
22. The dish was then rubbed smooth within and without with
a piece of coral, or with rough lava (oahi), then with pumice, or
a stone called oio, Aftet this charcoal was used, then bamboo-
leaf, and lastly it was polished with bread-fruit leaf and tapa —
the same was done to the cover, and there was your dish. Some-
times a koko or net, was added as a convenient means of hold-
ing and carrying, and the work was then complete. The umeke
was used for holding poi and vegetable food (ai), the ipukai to-
hold meats and fish (ia).
23. The calabash, or pohue, was the fruit of a vine that was
specially cultivated. Some were of a shape suited to be umeke,
or poi containers, others ipukai, and others still to be used as hue-
zvai or water-containers. The pulp on the inside of the gourd
was bitter; but there was a kind that was free from bitterness.
The soft pulp within was first scraped out ; later, when the gourd
had been dried, the inside was rubbed and smoothed with a piece
of coral or pumice, and thus the calabash was completed. A cover
was added and a net sometimes put about it.
r62
24. In preparing a water-gourd, or hue-wai, the pulp was
first rotted, then small stones were shaken about in it, after which
it was allowed to stand with water in it till it had become sweet.
25. Salt was one of the necessaries and was a condiment used
with fish and meat, also as a relish with fresh food. Salt was manu-
factured only in certain places. The women brought sea-water
in calabashes or conducted it in ditches to natural holes, hollows,
and shallow ponds (kaheka) on the sea-coast, where it soon be-
came strong brine from evaporation. Thence it was transferred
to another hollow, or shallow vat, where crystallization into salt
was completed.
26. The papalaau was a board on which to pound pou
27. Water, which was one of the essentials of a meal, to keep
one from choking or being burned with hot food, was generally
obtained from streams (and springs), and sometimes by digging
wells.
28. Vegetables (ai), animal food (*''a), salt and water — these
are the essentials for the support of man's system.
29. Sharks' teeth were the means employed in Hawaii nei for
cutting the hair. The instrument was called niho-ako-lauoho.
The shark's tooth was fii*mly bound to a stick, then the hair was
bent over the tooth and cut through with a sawing motion. If
this method caused too much pain another resource was to use
fire.
30. For mirrors the ancient Hawaiians used a flat piece of
wood highly polished, then darkened with a vegetable stain and
some earthy pigment. After that, on being thrust into the water,
a dim reflection was seen by looking into it. Another mirror was
made of stone. It was ground smooth and used after immersion
in water.
31. The cocoanut leaf was the fan of the ancient Hawaiians,
being braided flat. An excellent fan was made from the loulu-
palm leaf. The handle was braided into a figured pwittern. Such
were the comforts of the people of Hawaii nei. How pitiable !
32. There are a great many improvements now-a-days. The
new thing in houses is to build them of stone laid in mortar —
mortar is made of lime mixed with sand. In some houses the
rstones are laid simply in mud.
1 63
33. There are wooden houses covered with boards, and held
together with iron nails ; there are also adobe houses (lepo i omoo-
mo ia) ; and houses made of cloth. Such are the new styles of
houses introduced by the foreigners (haole),
34. For new dishes and containers, ipu, we have those made
of iron, iptthao, and of earthenware or china, ipu keokeo. But
some of the new kinds of ware are not suited to fill the place of
the umeke or calabash.
35. The new instrument for hair-cutting which the haole has
introduced is of iron ; it is called an upa, scissors or shears (liter-
ally to snap, to open, or to shut) ; a superior instrument this. There
are also new devices in fans that will open and shut; they are
very good.
36. The newly imported articles are certainly superior to those
of ancient times.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXIII.
(i) Sect. 3. O-kea-pili-mai, sand that collects about a thing.
(2) Sect. 3. Unu-pehi-iole, a stone or shard to throw at a rat, a
thing of no consequence.
(3) Sect. 4. Pou-hana, the name applied to the two upright posts
situated one at each gable of the house, which supported the ends of the
ridgepole. Pou-hana was used almost as a title of distinction in ancient
meles and pules, indicating that it was regarded with almost supersti-
tious reverence, probably at one time being looked upon as a kupua, or
deity. Like the other posts of the Hawaiian house, they were firmly
planted in the ground; they also inclined slightly inward.
The poU'hana stood detached from the other sticks in the frame of the
house, save that it was lashed at its top to the kaupaku and kua-iole.
(4) Sect. 5. When the two hana posts had been set in the ground,
one at each end of the house, the next thing was to lash the ridge-pole, or
kaupaku, from the head of one hana to the other. To facilitate this
lashing, a neck was cut at the top of each hana as well as the kaupaku.
(5) Sect. II. A ho, small sticks, saplings, which were bound across
horizontally on the outside of the posts and rafters of the house, and
to which the . thatching was lashed.
(6) Sect. II. The best thatch used by the Hawaiians was pili
grass; next came the leaf of the pandanus, lau-hala; then the leaf of the
sugar-cane, and lastly the ti leaf, and a number of inferior grasses.
(7) Sect. 14. Of the prayer called kuwa there were undoubtedly
different forms used on the different islands and by the different priests.
I'his remark is true not merely of this service but of nearly every service
and prayer that can be mentiioned.
164
The kahuna stood on the outside of the house, ax in hand, and hold-
ing a block under the thatch to obtain a solid object on which his blow
should fall, he timed the strokes of his ax to the cadence of the prayer.
Having inquired of the house-owner if everything was ready, and if it
was his wish to proceed with the ceremony, and having received an
affirmative answer, the kahuna began the utterance of his prayer, and at
the same time let his ax fall on the thatch, suiting the time of his blow
to the cadence of his utterance.
Ku lalani ka pule a Kcoloalu i ke akua,
O Kuwa wahi^a i ke piko o ka hale Mea.
A ku! A wa! A mokn ka piko,"^
A moku, a moku iho la!
Orderly and harmonious is the prayer of the multitude to God.
Kuwa cuts now the piko of the house of Mea.
He stands ! He cuts ! The thatch is cut !
It is cut ! Lo it is cut !
*This beautiful ceremony, as indicated in the prayer itself, was gener-
ally known as ka oki ana ka piko o ka hale, the cutting of the navel
string of the house. It is more easy to imagine than to describe the
analogy between the cutting of a child's umbilical cord and the trimming
of the thatch over the doorway of a new house. The completion of
this symbolical ceremony was the signal for feasting by the whole com-
pany.
(8) Sect. 17. Every self-respecting Hawaiian who desired to live
up to the system of tahu was obliged to build for himself and family a
number of houses, the chief motive being to separate the sexes entirely
from each other while eating, as well as to provide suitable places for
carrying on the various occupations incident to a self-sustaining savage
life. First may be mentioned the mua, which was the men's eating house
and was tahu to females ; second the hale noa, which was the one place
where the family mingled on familiar terms during the day and where
they slept at night; third, the hale ai'na, the women's eating house, which
was tabu to the men. If the woman of the house was given to that sort
of thing, she must have. 4th, a hale kua, which was the place in which
she would beat out tapa, braid mats, and carry on a variety of domestic
arts. 5th, the hale pea, a place where the women isolated themselves
during their monthly periods of impurity. To these might be added.
6th, a family chapel, or heiau, the place of which was in most cases prob-
ably filled by the mua. The family /teiau seems in some cases to have
been a simple enclosure, unroofed, open to the elements. The practice
in this regard evidently differed in different places. No fixed and fast
rules can be laid down. If the man of the house were a fisherman, he
would naturally have a halau, a long house or shed in which to house
his canoe and fishing tackle.
i63
(9) Sect. 18. Alco: Hawaiian houses were built with but one story,
but a sort t)f garret was sometimes made by flooring a certain space with
some sort of lattice- work (hulili w) in the upper part of the house. This
was called an aleo and here it was that a man might keep his treasures,
spears, weapons and family heir-looms.
The ceremony of oki ana ka piko o ka hnle was performed only after
the house was completely furnished and ready for habitation. On the
Island of Molokai the following prayer was used on such an occasion,
being repeated while the priei-t was cutting the long thatch that overhung
the doorway, and which was called the piko or umbiblical cord:
A ptoku ka piko I ele-ua, i ele-ao,
I ka wai f Haakula-monu la.
E tnoku!
A moku ka piko kou hale la,
5 E Mauli-olaf
I ola i ka noho-hale,
I ola i ke kanaka kipa mat,
I ola i ka haku-aina,
I ola i na 'Hi,
10 Oia kc ola o kau hale, e Mauli-ola;
Ola a kolo-pupu, a haumaka-iole,
A pala-lau-hala, a ka i koko.
A mama, ua noa.
Severed is the piko of the house, the thatch that sheds the rain, that w^ards
off the evil influences of the heavens,
The water-spout of Haakula-manu, oh!
Cut now!
Cut the piko of your house, Mauli-ola!
That the house-dweller may prosper,
That the guest who enters it may have health,
That the lord of the land may have health.
That the chiefs may have long life.
Grant these blessings to your house, o Mauli-ola.
To live till one crawls hunched up, till one becomes blear-eyed,
Till one lies on the mat, till one has to be carried about in a net.
Amen. It is free.
(a) Line i — Ele-ua: The root-word ele means to protect; hence to
shed ua, rain. The outside, protecting leaf that covered the pai-ai, bundle
of hard poi, was called la-ele (la is a contraction from lau, leaf).
(b) Line i — Ele-ao: Warding off the (evil) influences of the clouds,
ao.
(c) Line 2 — Haakula-manu, a water spout, a cloud-burst, a destructive
fall of rain, idealized into a demi-god, a kupua.
(d) Line 10 — Mauli-ola, a kupua, i. e., a superhuman power, a personi-
fication of health, something like Hygeia.
i66
FIG. I.
Interior View of Gable of Hawaiian House.
A, Pouhana, the important post of .the house.
Bj PoU'kihi, corner post.
C, Kukuna, or Pou-kukuna. (kukuna : iray) .
D, O'a, rafter.
e, AhO'pueo, the aho were small sticks to which the thatch was lashed.
At short intervals an aho of a somewhat larger size than the aver-
age was introduced. This was called an aho-pueo (pueo::owl).
f, AhO'kele, an aho of the average size, generally spoken of as an aho,
h, Aho'hu'i, an aho lashed on outside and vertically, to hold the ahos
fast.
1 67
FIG. 2.
Showing Tenon and Mortise joining Rafters, oa, of Roof to the Uprights^
Pou, of the side of the house, also Ridge-pole, etc., in section.
A, Pou, side post, planted in the ground.
B, Oa, Rafter, or Roof-beam.
C, Lohelau, Plate (in section)
D, Kaupaku, or Kauhuhu, Ridge-pole ( " " )
E, Kua-iole, Supplementary Ridge-pole ..( " " )
F, Lolo-iole, small pole to hold Thatch.. ( " " )
g, Pauakaaka, neck in the rafter.
h, Kohe, mortise, or fork, in which to receive tenon.
i, Ule, tenon.
j, Auwae, to facilitate lashing.
The front of the house was called alo, the back
kua, the gable was called kala. The doorway was
generally situated in the middle of the house and in^
front, that was the principal entrance. To the rear
and opposite to this was a smaller doorway.
i68
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE HAWAIIAN CANOE.
1. The Hawaiian waa, or canoe, was made of the wood of the
koa tree. From the earliest times the wood of the bread-fruit,
kuktii, ohia-ha, and zviliwili was used in canoe-making, but the
■extent to which these woods were used for this purpose was very
Hmited. The principal wood used in canoe-making was always
the koa. (Acacia heterophylla.)
2. The building of a canoe was an affair of religion. When
a man found a fine koa tree he went to the kahuna kalai wa'a and
said, "I have found a koa tree, a fine large tree." On receiving
this information the kahuna went at night to the mua,"^ to sleep
before his shrine, in order to obtain a revelation from his deity
in a dream as to whether the tree was sound or rotten.
3. And if in his sleep that night he had a vision of some one
standing naked before him, a man without a 7naIo, or a woman
without a pau, and covering their shame with the hand, on
awakening the kahuna knew that the koa in question was rotten
{puha)y and he would not go up into the woods to cut that tree.
4. He sought another tree, and having found one, he slept
again in the mua before the altar, and if this time he saw a hand-
some, well dressed man or woman, standing before him, when he
awoke he felt sure that the tree would make a good canoe.
5. Preparations were made accordingly to go into the mount-
ains and hew the koa into a canoe. They took with them, as of-
ferings, a pig, cocoanuts, red fish (kumu), and azva.
Having come to the place they camped down for the night,
sacrificing these things to the gods with incantations (hoomana)
and prayers, and there they slept.
6. In the morning they baked the hog in an oven made close
to the root of the koa, and after eating the same they examined
the tree. One of the party climbed up into the tree to measure the
part suitable for the hollow of the canoe, where should be the
bottom, what the total length of the craft.
7. Then the kahuna took the ax of stone and called upon tlie
:gods:
169
"O Ku'pulupulu,^ Ku-ala-na-zmo,^ Ku-moku-haliiJ^ Ku-ka-
ieie/' Ku-palalake,^ Kti-ka-ohia-laka:"^ — These were the male de-
ties. Then he called upon the female deities :
"O Lea^ and Ka-pua-o-alakaH,^ listen now to the ax. This is
the ax that is to fell the tree for the canoe."
8. The koa tree was then cut down, and thev set about it in
the following manner: Two scarfs were made about three feet
apart, one above and one below, and when they had been deepened,
the chips were split off in a direction lengthwise of the tree.
9. Cutting in this way, if there was but one kahuna, it would
take many days to fell the tree ; but if there were many kahunas,
they might fell it the same day. When the tree began to crack
to its fall, they lowered their voices and allowed no one to make
a disturbance.
10. When the tree had fallen, the head kahuna mounted upon
the trunk, ax in hand, facing the stump, his back being turned
toward the top of the tree.
11. Then in a loud tone he called out, "Smite with the ax and
hollow the canoe! Give me the maloT^^ Thereupon the kahuna's
wife handed him his ceremonial malo, which was white ; and, hav-
ing girded himself, he turned about and faced the head of the
tree.
12. Then having walked a few steps on the trunk of the tree,
he stood and called out in a loud voice, "Strike with the ax and
hollow it! Grant us a canoe !"ii Then he struck a blow with
the ax on the tree, and repeated the same words again; and so
he kept on doing until he had reached the point where the head of
the tree was to be cut off.
13. At the place where the head of the tree vvas to be sev-
ered from the trunk he wreathed the tree with ie-ie. Then having
ered from the trunk he wreathed the tree with ie-ie, {Freycinetia
Scandens) . Then having repeated a prayer appropriate to cutting
off the top of the tree, and having again commanded silence and
secured it, he proceeded to cut off the top of the tree. This done,
the kahuna declared the ceremony performed, the tabu removed ;
thereupon the people raised a shout at the successful performance
of the ceremony, and the removal of all tabu and restraint in view
of its completion.
170
14. Now began the work of hewing out the canoe, the first
thing being to taper the tree at each end, that the canoe might be
sharp at stem and stern. Then the sides and bottom (kua^moo)
were hewn down and the top was flattened (hola). The inner
parts of the canoe were then planned and located by measure-
ment.
15. The kahuna alone planned out and made the measure-
ments for the inner parts of the canoe. But when this work was
accomplished the restrictions were removed and all the craftsmen
took hold of the work {noa ka oihana g ka zma).
16. Then the inside of the canoe was outlined and the pepeiao,
brackets, on which to rest the seats, were blocked out, and the
craft was still further hewn into shape. A maku'u,^^ or neck, was
wrought at the stern of the canoe, to which the lines for hauling
the canoe were to be attached.
17. When the time had come for hauling the canoe down to
the ocean again came the kahuna to perform the ceremony called
pu i ka wa'a, which consisted in attaching the hauling lines to the
canoe-log. They were fastened to the makuu. Before doing this
the kahuna invoked the gods in the following prayer:
"O Ku-pulnpiilu, Ku-ala^na-ivaOj and Ku-moku-halii! look you
after this canoe. Guard it from stem to stern until it is placed in
the halauf After this manner did they pray.
18. The people now put themselves in position to haul the
canoe. The only person who went to the rear of the canoe was the
kahuna, his station being about ten fathoms behind it. The whole
multitude of the people went ahead, behind the kahuna no one
was permitted to go ; that place was tabu, strictly reserved for the
god of the kahuna kalai wa'a.
Great care had to be taken in hauling the canoe. Where the
country was precipitous and the canoe would tend to rush down
violently, some of the men must hold it back lest it be broken;
and when it got lodged some of them must clear it. This care
had to be kept up until the canoe had reached the halau, or canoe-
house.
21. In the Jtalau the fashioning of the canoe ^yas resumed.
First the upper part was shaped and the gunwales were shaved
down ; then the sides of the canoe from the gunwales down were
put into shape. After this the mouth {waha) of the canoe was
■ ^ • •»■
171
turned downwards and the iwi kaele, or bottom, being exposed^
was hewn into shape. This done, the canoe was again placed
mouth up and was hollowed out still further {kupele maloko).
The outside was then finished and rubbed smooth {anai to). The
outside of the canoe was next painted black {paele ta) J^ Then
the inside of the canoe was finished off by means of the koi-owilL
or reversible adze (commonly known as the kupa-ai ke'e).
22. After that were fitted on the carved pieces (na loan) made
of ahakea or some other wood. The rails, which were fitted on to
the gunwales and which were called mo'o (lizards) were the first
to be fitted and sewed fast with sinnet or aha.
The carved pieces, called mami, at bow and stern, were the next
to be fitted and sewed on, and this work completed the putting
together of the body of the canoe {ke kapili ana o ka zvaa). It
was for the owner to say whether he would have a single or double
canoe.
23. If it was a single canoe or kaukahi, (cross-pieces), or iaka
and a float, called anta, were made and attached to the canoe to
form the outrigger.
The ceremony of lolo-waa, consecrating the canoe, was the next
thing to be performed in which the deity was again approached
with prayer. This was done after the canoe had returned from
an excursion out to sea.
24. The canoe was then carried into the halau, where were
lying the pig, the red fish, and the cocoanuts that constituted the
offering spread out before the kahuna. The kahuna kalai-waa
then faced towards the bows of the canoe, where stood its owner,
and said, "Attend now to the consecration of the canoe {lolo ana
ka zvaa), and observe whether it be well or ill done." Then he
prayed :
25. I O Ku-wa^^ ka lani, Ku-wa ka honua,
2 O Ku'zva ka mauna, Ku-zva ka moana,
3 O Ku-zva o ka po, Kii-wa ke ao,
4 O Malualani ke Ku-zva, Malna-hopti ke Ku-zva,
5 Aia no ia ko'i la ke Ku-zva.
6 Ka zva'a nei ka luahine makua.
7 Ka luahine! Ozvai?
9i O ka luahine Papa, zvahine a Wakea.
172
9 Nana i kuzva,^^ nana i hainu,
10 Nana i hele, nana i a*e,
11 Nana i hoonoanoa,
12 Noa ke kuwa^^ o ka waa o Wakea,
26. 13 O ka zva'a nei ka luahine makua,
14 Ka luahine! Oivai?
15 Ka luahine Lea, zi^ahine a Moku-halii.
16 Nana i kuzva, nana i hainu,
17 Nana i hele, nana i a'e,
18 Nana i hoonoanoa,
19 Noa ke kuzva ka wa'a Moknhalii.
20 Hinu helelei aku,
21 Hinu helelei mai,
22 He miki oe Kane,
23 He miki oe Kanaloa.
24 O Kanaloa he a oe?
25 O Kanaloa inu azva.
26 Mai Kahiki ka azva,
2y Mai Upolu ka azva,
28 Mai JVazuau ka azva.
29 E hano azva hua,
30 E hano azva pauaka,
31 Halapa i ke akua i laau zvai la.
32 Amama, ua noa.
33 Lele zvale aku la.
25. I Uplifter of the heavens, uphfter of the earth,
2 Uplifter of the mountains, uphfter of the ocean,
3 Who hast appointed the night, appointed the day,
4 Makialani is the Kuwa and Mahiahopu,
5 That ax also is a kuwa.
6 This is the ax of our venerable ancestral dame.
7 Venerable dame! What dame?
8 Dame Papa, the wife of Wakea.
9 She set apart and consecrated, she turned the tree
about,
10 She impelled it, she guided it,
11 She lifted the tabu from it.
12 Gone is the tabu from the canoe of Wakea.
13 The canoe this of our ancestral dame.
173
14 Ancestral dame! What dame?
15 Dame Lea, wife of Moku-halii;
16 She initiated, she pointed the canoe ;
17 She started it, she guided it ;
18 She lifted the tabu from it,
19 Lifted was the tabu from the canoe of Wakea.
20 Fat dripping here;
21 Fat dripping there.
22 Active art thou Kane;
23 Active art thou Kanaloa.
24 What Kanaloa art thou ?
25 Kanaloa the awa-drinker.
26 Awa from Tahiti,
2J Awa from Upolu,
28 Awa from Wawau.
29 Bottle up the frothy awa,
30 Bottle up the well strained awa.
31 Praise be to the God in the highest heaven (laau) !
32 The tabu i? lifted, removed.
33 It flies away.
28. When the kahuna had finished his prayer he asked of the
owner of the canoe, '*How is this service, this service of ours?"
Because if any one had made a disturbance or noise, or intruded
upon the place, the ceremony had been marred and the owner
of the canoe accordingly would then have to report the ceremony
to be imperfect. And the priest would then warn the owner of
the canoe, saying, "Don't you go in this canoe lest you meet with
a fatal accident."
29. If, however, no one had made a disturbance or intruded
himself while they had been performing the lolo^'^ ceremony, the
owner of the canoe would report "our spell is good" and the
kahuna would then say, "You will go in this canoe with safety,
because the spell is good" (maikai ka lolo ana).
30. If the canoe was to be rigged as part of a double canoe
the ceremony and incantations to be performed by the kahuna
were different. In the double canoe the iakos used in ancient
times were straight sticks. This continued to be the case until the
time of Keawe^^, when one Kanuha invented the curved iako and
erected the upright posts of the the pola.
174
31. When it came to making the lashings for the outrigger of
the canoe, this was a function of the utmost solemnity. If the
lashing was of the sort called kumu-hele, or kumu-pou it was
even then tabu ; but if it was of the kind called kaholo, or Luukia
(full name pa-u o Luukia), these kinds, being reserved for the
canoes of royalty, were regarded as being in the highest degree
sacred, and to climb upon the canoe, or to intrude at the time when
one of these lashings was being done, was to bring down on
one the punishment of death.
32. When the lashings of the canoe were completed a covering
of mat was made for the canoe (for the purpose of keeping out
the water) which mat was called a pa-u^^.
The mast (potc or kia) was set up in the starboard canoe,
•designated as ekea, the other one being called ama. The mast
was stayed with lines attached to its top. The sail of the canoe,
which was called la, was made from the leaves of the pandanus,
which were plaited together, as in mat-making.
33. The canoe was furnished with paddles, seats, and a bailer.
There were many varieties of the waa. There was a small canoe
called kioloa}^ A canoe of a size to carry but one person was
called a koo-kahi, if to carry two a koo-lua, if three a koo-kolu,
and so on to the the koo-walu for eight.
34. The single canoe was termed a kau-kahi, the double canoe
a kau-lua. In the time of Kamehameha I a triple canoe named
Kaena-kane, was constructed, such a craft being termed a pu-kolu.
If one of the canoes in a double canoe happened to be longer than
its fellow, the composite craft was called a ku-e-e,
35. In case the carved bow-piece, fnanu-ihu, was made very
broad the canoe was called a lele-iwu^^ (See fig. 2.) A canoe
that was short and wide was called a pou. Canoes were designated
and classified after some peculiarity. If the bow was very large
the canoe would be termed ihu-nui;^^ one kind was called kupeulu.
36. In the reign of Kamehameha I were constructed the canoes
called peleleu.^^ They were excellent craft and carried a great
deal of freight. The after part of these crafts were similar in
construction to an ordinary vessel (i.e. was decked over). It
was principally by means of such craft as these that Kameha-
meha succeeded in transporting his forces to Oahu when he went
. 175
to take possCvSsion of that part of his dominion when he was
making his conquests.
37. In these modern times new kinds of sea-going craft have
tnultipUed, large, fine vessels they are, which we call moku (an
island, a piece cut off).
38. A ship was like a section of the earth quietly moving
through the water. On account of their great size, when the
first ships arrived here, people flocked from remote districts to
view them. Great were the benefits derived from these novel
craft, the like of which had never been seen before.
39. Some of these vessels, or moku, were three-masted, some
two-masted, some schooner-rigged, and some had but one mast.
40. The row boat, or waa-pa {waa-pa'a), is one of this new
kind of craft. But even some of these new vessels, including
row-boats, sometimes perish at sea.
41. It is not, however, so common an occurrence for this to
happen to them as it used to be for canoes to founder in every
part of this ocean.
42. Many blessings have come to this race through these new
sea-going craft. It was by them the word of God was conveyed
to these shores, which is a blessing greater than any sought
for by the ancients.
43. What a pity that the ancientf did not know of this new
blessing, of the word of God and the great salvation through
Jesus the blessed Redeemer.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXIV.
(i) Sect. 2. Hele oia i mua ma ka po e lioomoe ma kona heiau.
This passage confirms the statement made in the notes to Chap. XXXIII,
p. 123, that the family heiau, or shrine, was probably in some part of the
mua. The references made by Mr. Malo in this book to the mua as a
place to which the kahuna, or any one desiring to consult his aumakua,
or to receive warning or council from heaven in a dream, would go to
spend the night, these references, I say, are so numerous that there seems
to be no doubt that the mua and the heiau were integrally one. At the
same time I am assured that the family heiau was of en an open-air, un-
roofed enclosure. No doubt the practice in this matter was as various
as in some others, in regard to which uniformity has been claimed. It
must not be forgotten that two swallows do not make a summer.
(2) Sect. 7. Ku-pulupulu, Ku, the rough one or the chip-maker,
one of the gods of the waa.
176
(3) Sect. 7. Ku-ala-na-wao, Ku-ae-la-na-wao, there stand the for-
ests, a woodland deity, one of the gods of the waa.
(4) Sect. y. Ku-mokU'hali'i, Ku that bedecks the island.
(5) Sect. 7. Ku-ka-ieie, — leie was a parasitic evergreen much used
in decorating.
(6) Sect. 7. Ku-palala-ke, or Kupa-ai-kee, the reversible ax, used
by the Hawaiians in hollowing the canoe.
(7) Sect. 7. Ku-ka-ohia-laka, — The ohia tree was used in making
idols. *Laka was the mythical hero who made the famous canoe in which
he went in search of his father's bones. He was one of the gods of the
wa'a.
*This derivation is incorrect. Sec note 5, Chapter XXIII. La^a=the
Tahitan name for the lehua tree.
(8) Sect. 7. Lea, wife of (Ku) Moku-halii, was a patroness of the
canoe. She was supposed to appear in the form of the wood-pecker,
elepaio, whose movements when she walked upon the newly felled tree
were attentively observed, and were ominous of good, or ill, luck. Lea
seems to have been the same as Laia.
(9) Sect. 7. Ka-pua-o-alakai : The more correct orthography is
probably Ka-pu-o-alakai, the knot of guidance, i. e., the knot by which
the hauHng line was attached to the maku'u, q. v. sect. 16.
(10) Sect. II. "E ku a ca! Homai he malo!" A Molokai author-
ity informs me that on that island the variant to this prayer was :
E ku a ea! Eta ka waa, he iho-ole pau-lua.
E ala, e ku, c hume i kou malo!
Stand up in your strength! Here is the canoe, a solid log without pith.
Arise, stand up, gird on your malo!
His wife then gave him his sacerdotal malo, with the words:
Eia kou malo la, he malo keokeo.
Here is your malo, your white malo.
(11) Sect. 12. According to the same Molokai practice the words
uttered by the kahuna when he struck up the tree were:
Homai he wa'a, e ku a i*a!
He wa e m/m.**
Ulu i ka aoao a nui.
Grant a canoe that shall be swift as a fish!
To sail in stormy seas.
When the storm tosses on all sides!
**fJlu: literally to grow, derivatively to kick up a storm.
(12) Sect. 16. Maku'u: This was also called the moamoa, or mo-
moa, and on the island of Molokai it was called pau-akaaka. The motnoa
177
was at the stern of the canoe. In every genuine Hawaiian canoe of the
old fashion the maku'u is still clearly visible.
(13). Sect. 21. This Hawaiian paint had almost the quality of a
lacquer. Its ingredients were the juice of a certain euphorbia, the juice
of the inner bark of the root of the kukui tree, the juice of the bud of
the banana tree, together with charcoal made from the leaf of the pan-
danus. A dressing of oil from the nut of the kukui was finally added to
give a finish. I can vouch for it as an excellent covering for wood.
(14) Sect. 25. The meaning of the word kuiva, or ku-wa, here
translated by uplifter, is involved in some doubt and obscurity. In oppo-
sition to the orthography of Mr. Malo, which, as often remarked, is any-
thing but orthodox, and cannot be depended upon, I have ventured to*
unite the two parts and make of them one word.
In chapter XXXIII, section 14, the prayer uttered by the kahuna at
the finishing and consecration of Ihe house, symbolized by the trimming
of the thatch over the doorway, was called pule kuwa. See note to Chap.
XXXIII.) As explained, the term kuwa is applied to that prayer because
while performing the act and reciting the prayer the kahuna stood — ku —
in the space — wa — of the doorway.
The opening words of the prayer, according to David Malo, are,
O ku 7va o ka lani, ku wa ka honua.
After diligent study and inquiry I am convinced that the correct or-
thography is kuwa or perhaps ku-wa, if one pleases, and that its meaning
has reference to the lifting up of the heavens, the putting of a space be-
tween the heavens and the earth. This is a matter that is very prominent
in the mythology of southern Polynesia.
Note. — The word wa in many of its uses is evidently intended to ex-
press the idea of interval, and ku-zva probably means in some instances to-
set in order, to place at orderly intervals. Another meaning is an echo.
A derivative, secondary meaning is to set apart, consecrate.. — N. B. E.
(15) Sect. 25. N'ana i kuwa. . . .kuwa is here used as a verb. Among
the various hypotheses that have been considered in the attempt to define
the meaning of this multi-meaning word was that of hollowing out the
canoe, thus putting a wa between one side and another of the canoe
(wa'a). It seems, however, as if the most reasonable and obvious mean-
ing — when once it is pointed out — is that of consecraating and setting apart
the wa*a, making it ready for its use.
(16) Sect. 25. Noa ke kuwa ka wa'a a Wakea. The meaning of
the word kuwa in this connection is slightly different in this passage from
the one previously assigned to it. Here it evidently refers to the function
of consecration now being performed by the priest. I have endeavored
to express that meaning in my translation.
(17) Sect. 29. Lolo ceremony: The expression in the text is maikai
ka lolo ana. When a priest, or canoe-maker, or /i«/a- dancer, or practi-
tioner of any profession or art has acquired the greatest preliminary
178
•skill, before beginning the practice of his new art, or profession, he is
by means of certain incantations and peculiar rites put to a test, and if
•lie comes out successfully it is said ua ai lolo, that is, he has eaten brains,
racquired great skill. The lolo ceremony is not merely a bestowing of good
luck on the craft, it is rather an inquiry of heaven as to the fate or luck
in store for the canoe.
(i8) Sect. 30. Keawe II, whose son Kanuha built the hale o Keawe,
was of the last quarter of the i/fh century. See "Brief History of the
Hawaiian People'* by W. D. Alexander, p. 46.)
(19) Sect. 33. The kio-loa was a long, narrow canoe, principally used
for racing.
(20) Sect. 35. The classic model of the manu, the carved piece which
adorned the bow and the stern of every worthy Hawaiian waa, a form
which has been- handed down to modern times, was as shown in Fig. i ;
the model of the lele-iwi is as shown in Fig. 2. The lele-iwi canoe was
principally for display, hanonano.
(21) Sect. 31. Pa-u Luukia: This was a highly decorative lashing
by which the iako was bound to the canoe. Luukia was a famous beauty,
who, though wife to another man, so fascinated Moikeha, a king of Ha-
waii, that he sailed with her to Tahiti. One of her would-be lovers,
hoping to win her favor by alienating her against Moikeha, cunningly
slandered that prince to Luukia. He so far succeeded that he aroused
in her an aversion to the young man. As a consequence she sought to
defend herself against the further approaches of her royal lover by wear-
ing about her loins some sort of woven corset or pa-u. Hence the term
pa-u Luukia, corset or skirt of Luukia, applied by the old salts, canoe-
tnen, of the sixteenth century to the most aesthetic and decorative style
'Of canoe-lashing employed.
(22) Sect. 35. In this kind of a canoe the bow, contrary to usual
179
practice, was made at the butt end of the log. It was usually put at
the small end.
. (23) Sect. 26. The peleleu were a fleet of very large war-canoes
whicli Kamehameha I had made from koa trees felled in the forests back
of Hilo, Hawaii. Their construction was begun about the year 1796. In
spite of the fact that the Hawaiian historian, Malo, speaks of the peleleu
with a certain pride and enthusiasm, they are to be regarded rather as
monstrosities, not belonging fully to the Hawaiiian on whose soil they were
made, nor to the white men who, no doubt, lent a hand and had a voice
in their making and planning.
(24) Sect. 32. Pa-u: Some times the pa-u covered the opening of
the canoe from stem to stern, each paddle-man putting his head and body
through a hole in the same. This would be in stormy weather. In
ordinary times only the waist of the craft, where the baggage and freight
were stowed, was covered in this way. The following was the manner of
fastening the mat: A number of holes, called holo, were made in the
upper edge of the canoe. By means of small cords passed through these
holes a line, called alihi pa-u, was lashed in place. Through the loops of
this alihi was run a line that criss-crossed from one side to the other
and held the pa-u or mat in place. This last line was called a haunu.
CHAPTER XXXV.
RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES PERFORMED BY THE ALUS TO SECURE OFF-
SPRING.
1. The efforts of the kings to secure offspring were associated
with the worship of the gods; but these religious performances
related only to the first born,^ because such held the highest rank
as chiefs.
2. In the case of high chiefs the affair was conducted as
follows; a high chief of the opposite sex was sought out and,
after betrothal, the two young people were at first placed {hoo-
noho)^ under keepers in separate establishments, preparatory to
pairing for offspring, the purpose being to make the offspring of
the highest possible rank. Worship was paid to the gods, because
it was firmly believed that the genius, power and inspiration
(mana) of a king was like that of a god.
3. When the princess had recovered from her infirmity and
had purified herself in the bath, she was escorted to the tent made
i8o
of tapa, which had been set up in an open place in the sight of
all the people.
4. To her now came the prince, bringing with him his -akua
kaai.^ This akua kaai was set up outside of the tent, where were
keeping watch the multitude of the people, and the assembled
priests were uttering incantations and praying to the gods that
the union of the two chiefs might prove fruitful.
5. When the princess has returned from her bath, the prince
goes in unto her and remains in her company perhaps until even-
ing, by which time the ceremony called hoomau keiki is com-
pleted. Then the prince takes his leave, the princess returns home,
the people disperse, the kahunas depart, the chiefs retire and the
tent is taken down. This ceremony is enacted only in the case
of the very highest chiefs, never those of inferior rank.
6. If after this it is found that the princess is with child,
there is great rejoicing among all the people that a chief of rank
has been begotten. If the two parents are of the same family,
the offspring will be of the highest possible rank.*
7. Then those who composed meles {haku mele^) were sent
for to compose a mele inoa that should eulogise and blazon the
ancestry of the new chief to-be, in order to add distinction to him
when he should be born.
8. And when the bards had composed their meles satisfac-
torily (a holo^ na mcIe), they were imparted to the hula dancers
to be committed to memory. It was also their business to decide
upon the attitudes and gestures, and to teach the inoa to the men
and women of the hula (i. e. the chorus).
9. After that the men and women of the hula company danced
and recited the mele inoa of the unborn chief with great rejoicing,
keeping it up until such time as the prince was born; then the
hula-performances ceased.
10. When the time for the confinement of the princess drew
near the royal midwives (themselves chiefesses) were sent for to
take charge of the accouchement and to look after the mother.
As soon as labor-pains set in an offering was set before the idol
(the akua kaai named Hulu), because it was believed to be the
function of that deity to help women in labor.
11. When the expulsory pains became very frequent,'^ the
delivery was soon accomplished; and when the child was bom,
i8i
the father's akua kam was brought in attendeil by hia priciit. U
the child was a girl, its navel-string was cut in the houa^; hut if
a boy, it was carried to the heiau, there to have the i\aYel->itrintf
cut in a ceremonious fashion.
12. When the cord had first been tie<l with ohtM, the kahuuH,
having taken the bamboo (knife), offered prayer, huppliri^tiny
the gods of heaven and earth and the king's kmi gu<U, whi»ne
images were standing there. The articles constitiUin^j the \iiifvx-
ing, or mohad, were lying before the king, a pig, C(H(muulfc», Hiul
a robe of tapa. The king listened attentively to the prayer t^f
the kahuna, and at the right moment, as the kahuna was ahiUU U>
sever the cord, he took the offerings in his hands aiul lifletl Ihi^tM
up.
13. Thereupon the kahuna prayed as folliiws :
O ka ohe keia o ka piko a ka aiim'\uH\ U\n\.
This is the bamboo for the navel-string of \\\m heav»:|i \\\\\\\
chief.
The kahuna then took the l^amV/^/ ImHw^xm his Wii\\\ \\\\\\ apjj^
it in two (to get a sharp cutting ^g*V, h'ti)\\\^^
O ka uhae keia o ka ohe o ka piko o ka nmtnim luni ^' ^ '^
O ka mcku keia o ka piko o ka aiix'ai/h^'u /////r
This is the splititig of thf: 1/afJiW> i^A Oi^- liavd t>UJi^|/, //f lla*
hearen-bom dbiel * * * ^\'\nh it flu* AUiij/i^ i^i \\iL \\,x\i:\
string of tiie beaveD-bom </n«r.
14- Thereupon he appiitt th^- hiim\y^/ iAy,<' ajid ^.vvcj^ Hjc
card: and. ba-v-ing a^jn^*:^ tli<: >%vuik] t/^ ji-jji^^yc iju l;)>^u/J
ikvpenu). with ii piet%«-* of y/ft oV/t>ii lil)* v/v</, Uu- Kahuna
praj's:
Kupenu ulo.
Kupenu lei.
Kumu lei.
Akc haiUf'C . >t^ ai- i.c »ui*^ '*i/U< ^p'
Qttrriw: ti*^ lec i>i^y'/< Ijojj lii« j>iuiJi|>
Ci^anw: r. iron tii< toi<
Bmc uj, ti<^: c'yr^
It iir for ^-rO^ VO <viI*^ctaJ< tij*' 'Jili*
l82
15. When the prayer of the kahuna was ended, the royal father
of the child himself offered prayer to the gods :
O Ku, Lono, Kane and Kanaloa, here is the pig, the cocoanuts,
the malo. Deal kindly with this new chief; give him long life;
protect him until the last sleep of unconsciousness. Long may
he reign and his kingdom extend from the rising to the setting
of the sun.
Amen; it is free: the tabu is lifted.
The king then dashed the pig against the ground and killed it
as an offering to the gods, and the ceremonies were ended.
16. The child was then taken back to the house and was pro-
vided with a wet nurse who became its kahu. Great care was
taken in feeding the child, and the kahus were diligent in looking
after the property collected for its support. The child was subject
to its kahus until it was grown up. The young prince was not
allowed to eat pork until he had been initiated into the temple-
service, after which that privilege was granted him. This was
a fixed rule with princes.
17. When the child had increased in size and it came time for
him to undergo the rite of circumcision, religious ceremonies were
again performed. The manner of performing circumcision itself
was the same as in the case of a child of the common people, but
the religious ceremonies were more complicated.
18. When the boy had grown to be of good size a priest was
appointed to be his tutor, to see to his education and to instruct
him in matters religious; and when he began to show signs of
incipient manhood, the ceremony of purification (huikala) was
performed, a heiau was built for him, and he became a temple-
worshipper (mea haipule) on his own account. He was then
permitted to eat of pork that had been baked in an oven outside
of the heiau, but not of that which had been put to death by
strangulation, in the planner ordinarily practiced, and then baked
in an oven outside of the heiau without religious rites. His initia-
tion into the eating of pork was with prayer.
19. Such was the education and bringing up of a king's son.
The ceremonies attendant on the education and bringing up of
the daughters were not the same as those above described; — (At
this point there is an ambiguity in the language of the manuscript,
and it is not clear whether it is of the daughters alone or of the
i83
younger sons also that he speaks, when he says) — E hana ia ncr
nae ke oki piko ana, a me kekahi mau mea e ae, aole no e like
me ko ka mua hana ana — ) but the ceremony of cutting tHe navel-
string, as well as some other ceremonies, was performed on them^
The ceremonies, however, were not of the same grade as in the-
case of the first bom, because it was esteemed as a matter of great
importance by kings, as well as by persons of a religious turn
of mind, that the first born should be devoted to the service of
the gods.
20. The birth of a first child was a matter of such great ac-
count that after such birth chiefish mothers and women of dis-
tinction, whether about court or living in the back districts, un-
derwent a process of purification (hooma^ema'e) in the following-
manner.
21. After the birth of the child the mother kept herself sep-
arate from her husband and lived apart from him for seven days ;
and when her discharge was staunched she returned to her hus-
band's house. •
22. During this period she did not consort with her husband,,
nor with any other man ; but there was bound about her abdomen
a number of medicinal herbs, which were held in place by her
malo. • This manner of purification for women after childbirth
was termed hoopapa,
23. While undergoing the process of purification the woman
did not take ordinary food, but was supported on a broth made
from the flesh of a dog. On the eighth day she returned fo her
husband, the discharge {walewale) having by that time ceased to
flow.
24. The woman, however, continued her purification until the
expiration of an anahulu, ten days, by which time this method of
treatment, called hoopapa, was completed. After that, in com-
memoration of the accomplishment of her tabu, the woman's hair
was cut for the first time.®
25. Thus it will appear that from the inception of her preg-
nancy she had been living in a state of tabu, or religious seclu-
sion, abstaining from all kinds of food that were forbidden by her
own or her husband's gods. It was after this prescribed manner
that royal mothers, and women of rank, conducted themselves
i84
during the period of their first pregnancy. Poor folks did not
follow this regime.
26. The women of the poor and humble classes gave birth to
their children without paying scrupulous attention to matters of
ceremony and etiquette (me ka maewaewa ole).
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXV.
(i) Sect. I. This hoomau ceremony, as stated, was generally per-
formed only apropos of the first child, but there were exceptions to this
rule.
(2) Sect. 2. Hoonoho ia, put in an establishment, placed under the
care of a guardian or of a duenna. Such an establishment was surrounded
by an enclosure, pa, made of the sacred lama, a tree whose wood in color
and fineness of grain resembles boxwood. Hence this special care or
guardianship was called palama. It is said that an establishment of this
kind was anciently placed at that suburb of Honolulu which for that
cause to this day bears the name of Ka-pa-lama. The word pulama, to
care for, to guard, to foster, to cherish, is akin to palama in meaning,
but it is generally used in a physical sense and applied to inanimate ob-
jects. A child would be palama' d, the care bestowed on one's spears,
weapons, ornaments, etc., would be expressed by the word pulama.
(3) Sect. 4. The akua kaai was represented by a short staff, on top
of which was carved a figure representing the deity. The lower end was
sharp to facilitate its being driven into the ground. Hulu was the name
of one of the kaai gods whose special function it was to assist at child-
birth.
(4) Sect. 6. It is said that when the union was fruitful, neither party
i\'as allowed to have furfher sexual intercourse until the birth of the child
and the purification of the mother had been accomplished.
(5) Sect. 7. Haku mele, literally to weave a song. A mele for the
glorification of a king, born or still unborn, was called a mele inoa.
This was a eulogy or panegyric of the ancestral and personal virtues, real
or fictitious, of a king or princeling, whether full fledged or still in his
mother's womb. Ko-i-honua 'W2iS not, as mistakenly supposed, a particu-
lar kind of mele. If related to the tone or manner of utterance of the
mele inoa; it meant that the inoa was to be recited in an ordinary con-
versational tone, and not after the manner called oli, that is applied to
a singing tone. The ko~i-honua manner of reciting a mele inoa made it
more intelligible and therefore more acceptable to the king, who might
be an old man and hard of hearing, whether it was uttered in praise of
himself or of some child or grand-child. The conversational tone, at any
rate, made the words and meaning more intelligible. In making out the
origin of the phrase ko-i-honua, the ko seems to be the causative, as in such
words as ko-ala, ko-pi, ko-kua; i, to utter, as in the sentence / mai ke
i85
'olii; honua, the earth, earthly, as distinguished from an inflated, or stilted,
manner of speech used in the singing tone of the oli. Following is an
example of a
MELE INOA.
O ke kulei^ ula oe;
O ke ahua lana tnoku,
Ka ohe lana^ a ke Kanaloa,
Ke Kanaloa a Kane,^
O Kane Ulu-hai-malama,^
Malama ia o Kaelo.^
A garland strung of red flowers thou,
The bank on which rests the island,
The bamboo buoys of the Kanaloa,
The Kanaloa of Kane,
Kane of the fruitful growing month.
Month that of Kaelo.
(a) ku-lei: The full form of this word would be kuilei; kui, a needle
•or sharp stick, used in stringing flowers for a lei, garland.
(b) ohe lana: Bamboo joints were used as floats or buoys. As to the
floats of Kanaloa, I cannot learn what they were.
(c) Kanaloa a Kane: Kanaloa was the son of Kane, or according to
some, his younger brother.
(d) Ulu-hai-malama, said to be the kahu, or keeper, of the image of
the god Kane, the man himself being oftenest spoken of as Ulu. The
whole phrase seems to have the meaning given in the translation.
(e) Kaelo was the month corresponding to October or November, the
beginning of the rainy season, when vegetation began to freshen.
The mele inoa of which this is a fragment, was, I am told, an heirloom
composed in honor of Liloa, handed down by him to Umi, and passed on
'to Kalani-nui-a-mamao.
(6) Sect. 8. When the bards, poe haku mele, had composed their
meles, they met at the ni-o, a house where were assembled also the critics,
poe lot, the wise men, literati and philosophers, kaka-olelo, who were
themselves poets; and the compositions were then recited in the hearing
of this learned assembly, criticized, corrected and amended, and the au-
thoritative form settled.
Ni-o (pronounced nee-o), and lo-i (pronounced (low-ee) are nearly
S)monymous, meaning to criticize. Nema or nema-nema is to be partic-
ular or finicky in criticism.
(7) Sect. II. Kua-koko, literally bloody back.
(8) Sect. 24. I am informed that virgins and young women before
marriage wore the hair at full length on the head ; but that all respectable
women, who regarded the conventions of good society, and especially
-women about court, after marriage and the birth of their first born, had
i86
the hair trimmed short over the back-head, while over the forehead it
was allowed to grow long enough to be gathered into a tuft, in which shape
it was retained by a dressing of the mucilaginous juice of the ti root
mixed with ku-kui gum. It was also the fashion to bleach and change
the color of the hair by the application of lime mixed with the same ti
juice. (Such is my information; but in rgeard to the prevalence of such
a fashion I am very skeptical. There is surely no sign of it at the pres-
ent day among the Hawaiians. It may have been local; I do not believe
it was general.)
(It is fully described by M. Choris, artist of Kotzebue's first voyage in
1816, and shown in some of his portraits of Hawaiian women. The fash-
ion still prevails in Samoa and other southern groups. — W. D. A.)
CHAPTER XXXVI.
CONCERNING THE MAKAHIKI.
1. The makahiki^ was a time when men, women and chiefs
rested and abstained from all work, either on the farm or else-
where. It is was a time of entire freedom from labor.
2. The people did not engage in the usual religious observances
during this time, nor did the chiefs; their worship consisted in
making offerings of food. The king himself abstained from work
on the makahiki days.
There were four days, during which every man, having pro-
vided himself with the means of support during his idleness, re-
posed himself at his own house.
3. After these four days of rest were over, every man went
to his farm, or to his fishing, but nowhere else, (not to mere
pleasure-seeking), because the makahiki tabu was not yet ended,
but merely relaxed for those four days. It will be many days
before the makahiki will be noa, there being four moons in that
festival, one moon in Kau, and three moons in Hooilo,
4. The makahiki period began in Ikuwa, the last month of
the period called Kati, and the month corresponding to October,
and continued through the first three months of the period
Hooilo, to-wit : Welehu, Makalii and Kaelo, which corresponded
with November, December and January.
During these four months, then, the peopel observed makahiki,
refraining from work and the ordinary religious observances.
i87
5. There were eight months of the year in which both chiefs
and commoners were wont to observe the ordinary religious cere-
monies, three .of tliem being the HooUo months of Kaulua, Nana,
and Welo, corresponding to Februar>', March and April ; and five,
the Kau months of Ikiiki Kaaona, Hinaiaelccley Hilinaehu, and
Hilinama, which corresponded to ^lay, June, July, August and
September.
6. During these eight months of ever}- year, then, the whole
people worshipped, but rested during the four ^(akahiki months.
In this way was the Makahiki observed every year from the
earliest times.
7. Many and diverse w^ere the religious services which tlie
aliis and the commoners offered to their gods. Great also was
the earnestness and sincerity {hoomaopopo maoli ofia) with which
these ancients conducted their worship of false gods.
8. Land was the main thing which the kings and chiefs
sought to gain by their prayers and worship (hoomaua), also that
that they might enjoy good health, that their rule niij^ht be
established forever, and that they might have long life. They
prayed also to their gods for the death of their eneniics.
9. The common people, on the other hand, prayetl that the
lands of their aliis might be increased, that, their own physical
health might be good, as well as the health of their chiefs. They
prayed also that they might prosper in their different enterprises*
Such was the burden of their prayers year after year.
10. During the tabu-days of Ku (the 3rd, 4th, and 5th of each
month), in the month of Ikuwa (corresponding to October) flags
were displayed from the heiaus (temples), to announce the
coming of the makahiki festival ; the services at the ro>*al heiaus
were suspended, and the chiefs and people who were wont to
attend the worship, betook themselves to- sports, games and
the pursuit of pleasure. But the priests, the kahus (keepers)
of images and the ruler at the head of the government pursued
another course.
11. There were twelve months, consisting of nine times forty
days, in a year; and four tabu-periods, or pules, in each month.
Two nights and a day would be tabu, and at the end of the
second night the tabu would be off.
i88
• 12. During the tabu of Hua, (the 13th, and 14th days), in the
month Ikuwa, was performed the ceremony of breaking the
coco-nut^ of the king.
This was part of the observance of Makahiki and was to
propitiate the deity. When- this had been done he went to his
pleasures.
13. When the i^w-tabu of the month of Welehu had come it
went by without religious service ; but on the Hua- tabu of that
month the commoners, and the chiefs of lower ranks performed
the ceremony of breaking the cocoanut-dish. The temples were
then shut up and no religious services were held.
14. In the succeeding days the Makahiki-taxes were gotten
ready against the coming of the tax-collectors for the districts
known as okanas, pokos, kalanas, previously described, into
which an island was divided.
15. It was the duty of the konohikis to collect in the first
place all the property which was levied from the loa for the king ;
each konohiki also brought tribute for his own landlord, which
was called waiwai maloko.
16. On Laaukukahi (i8th day), the districts were levied on
for the tax for the king, tapas, pa-us, malos, and a g^eat variety
of other things.
Contributions of swine were not made, but dogs were con-
tributed until the pens were full of them. The aliis did not
eat fresh pork during these months, there being no temple service.
They did, however, eat such pork as had previously been dressed
and cured while services were being held in the temples.
17. On Lamipau, (20th day), the levying of taxes was com-
pleted, and the property that had been collected was displayed
before the gods (hoomoe ia) : and on the foUowng day (Oleku-
kahi)y the king distributed it among the chiefs and the companies
of soldiery throughout the land.
18. The distribution was as follows: first the portion for the
king's gods was assigned, that the kahiis of the gods might have
means of support; then the portion of the king's kahunas; then
that for the queen and the king's favorites, and all the aialo who
ate at his table. After this portions were assigned to the re-
maining chiefs and to the different military companies.
i89
19. To the more important chiefs who had many followers
was given a large portion; to the lesser chiefs, with fewer fol-
lowers, a smaller portion. This was the general principle on
which the division of all this property was made among the
chiefs, soldiery (puali) and the aialo.
20. No share of this property, however, was given to the peo-
ple. During these days food was being provided against the
coming of the Makahiki, preparations of cocoanut mixed with
taro or breadfruit, called kulolo, sweet breadfruit-pudding, called
pepeiee, also poi, bananas, fish, awa, and many other varieties
of food in great abundance.
21. On the evening of the same day, Olekukahi, the feather
gods were carried in procession, and the following evening, Ole-
kulua, the wooden gods were in turn carried in procession. Early
the following morning, on the day called Olepau, (23rd), they
went at the making of the image of the Makahiki god, Lotto-
makua (See sec. 25). This work was called ku-i-ke-pa-a,
22. This Makahiki-idol was a stick of wood having a cir-
cumference of about ten inches and a length of about two fathoms.
In form it was straight and staflf-like, with joints carved at in-
tervals resembling a horse's leg ; and it had a figure carved at its
upper end.
23. A cross-piece was tied to the neck of this figure, and to
this cross-piece, kea, were bound pieces of the edible pala^ fern.
From each end of this cross-piece were hung feather Ids that
fluttered about, also feather imitations of the kaupu^ bird, from
which all the flesh and solid parts had been removed.
24. The image was also decorated with a white tapa"^ cloth
made from wauke kakahi, such as was grown at Kuloli. One
end of this tapa was basted to the cross-piece, from which it hung
down in one piece to a length greater than that of the pole. The
width of this tapa was the same as the length of the cross-piece,
about sixteen feet.
25. The work of fabricating this image, I say, was called
kuikepaa.^ The following night the chiefs and people bore the
image in grand procession, and anointed it with cocoanut oil.
Such was the making of the Makahiki god. It was called Lono-
makua (father Lono), also the akua loa. This name was given
it because it made the circuit of the island.
190
Captain Cook was named Lono after this god, because of the
resemblance the sails of his ship bore to the tapa of the god.
26. There was also an akua poko (short god) ; so called be-
cause it was carried only as far as the boundary of the district
and then taken back; also an akiia paanP (god of sports), which
accompanied the akua loa in its tour of the island and was set
up to preside at the assemblies for boxing, wrestling, and other
games.
By evening of that same day (Olepau), the making of the
akua loa w^as completed. (See sect. 21).
27. On the morning following the night of Olepau, fires were
lighted along the coast all round the island, and every body,
people and chiefs, went to bathe and swim in the ocean, or in
fresh water ; after which they came to bask and warm themselves
about the fires, for the weather was chilly. The bathing was con-
tinued until daylight. This practice was called hiuwai.^
28. The Makahiki tabu began on sunrise of that same day,
Kaioa-kukahi, (the 24th). Every body rested from work,
scrupulously abstaining even from bathing in the ocean or in a
fresh water stream. One was not permitted to go inland to work
on his farm, nor to put to sea, for the purpose of fishing in the
ocean. They did no work whatever during those days. Their
sole occupation was to eat and amuse themselves. This they
continued to do for four days.
29. That same day (Kaloa-kukaJti) the Makahiki god came
into the district — it had to be carried by men, however. The
same day also the high priest at Kaiu (said to be a place in Wai-
mea, where was a famous shrine) began the observance of a
tabu which was to continue for five days. His eyes were blind-
folded with tapa during that whole time, and only at its expira-
tion were they unbound to allow him to look upon the people.
30. By the time the Makahiki god had arrived, the konohikis
set over the different districts and divisions of the land, known
as kalanas, okafuis, pokos, and ahu-puaas, had collected the taxes
for the Makahiki, and had presented them as offerings to the
god ; and so it was done all round the island.
31. This tax to the Makahiki god consisted of such things
as feathers of the 00, mamo, and i'iwi, swine, tapas and bundles
of pounded taro, paiai, to serve as food for those who carried the
191
idol. On the large districts a heavy tax was imposed, and on the
smaller ones a lighter tax. If the tax of any district was nof
ready in time, the konohiki was put off his land by the tax-col-
lector. The konohiki was expected to have all the taxes of the
district collected beforehand and deposited at the border of the
ahu-pua'a, where was built an altar.
32. In making its circuit of the island the akua-loa always
moved in such a direction as to keep the interior of the island
to its right ; the akua-poko so as to keep it on the left ; and when
the latter had reached the border of the district it turned back.
During the progress of the Makahiki god the country on its
left, i. e., towards the ocean, was tabu ; and if any one tres-
passed on it he was condemned to pay a fine, a pig of a fathom
long; his life was spared.
33. As the idol approached the altar that marked the bound-
ary of the ahu-puaa a man went ahead bearing two poles, or
guidons, called alia,
34. The man planted the alia, and the idol took its station
behind them. The space between the alia was tabu, and here
the konohikis piled their hookupu, or offerings, and the tax-col-
lectors, who accompanied the akua-makahikiy made their com-
plaints regarding deliquent tax-payers. All outside of the alia
was common ground (noa),
35. When enough property had been collected from the land
to satisfy the demands of the tax-collector, the kahuna who ac-
companied the idol came forward and uttered a prayer to set
the land free. This prayer was called Hainaki and ran as fol-
lows:
36. Your bodies, O Lono, are in the heavens,
A long cloud, a short cloud,
A watchful cloud,
An overlooking cloud — in the heavens;
5. From Uliuli, from Melemele,
From Polapola, from Ha'eha'e,
From Omao-ku-ulu-lu,
From the land that gave birth to Lono.
Behold Lono places the stars
192
lo. That sail through the heavens.
High resplendent is the great image of Lono;
The stem of Lono links our dynasties with Kahiki,
Has lifted them up,
Purified them in the ether of Lono.
15. Stand up! gird yourselves for play.
The people then responded:
Gird yourselves!
The kahuna says:
Lono —
The people respond :
The image of Lono!
The Kahuna says:
Hail!
The people respond :
20. Hail to Lono!
And thus ended the service.
PULE HAINAKL
36. The kahuna said :
On kinoi Lono i ka lani,
He ao loa, he ao poko,
He ao kiei, he ao halo,
He ao hoo-pna i ka lani;
5 . Mai Uliuli, mai Melemele,
Mai Polapola, mai Ha' ha'e,
Mai Omao-ku-ulu-lu,
Mad ka aina Lono i hanan mai ai.
Oi hookui aku Lono ka hoku e miha'i ka lani,
10. Amoamo ke akua laaii nui Lono,
Knikiii papa ka Ina mai Kahiki,
Ha paina, ktikaa i ka hau miki no Lono!
E ku i ka malo a hiu!
People respond:
Hiu!
Kahuna says:
15. O Lono —
193
People respond:
Ke akua laau
Kahuna says:
Aulu!
People respond:
Aulu, e Lono!
37. By this ceremony the land under consideration was seal-
ed as free. The idol was then turned face downwards an^ moved
on to signify that no one would be troubled, even though he
ventured on the left hand side of the road, because the whole
district had been declared free from tabu, noa. But when the
idol came to the border of the next ahu-puaa the tabu of the god
was resumed, and any person who then went on the left hand-
side of it subjected himself to the penalties of the law. Only
when the guardians of the idols declared the land free did it be-
come free.
38. This was the way they continued to do all round the
island; and when the image was being carried forward its face
looked back, not to the front.
39. When the Makahiki god of the diis came to where the
chiefs were living they made ready to feed it. It was not, how-
ever, the god that ate the food, but the man that carried the
image. This feeding was called hanai-pu 2ind was done in the
following manner.
40. The food, consisting of kulolo, hau, preparations of ar-
rowroot, bananas, cocoanuts and awa, (for such were the articles
of food prepared for the Makahiki god), was made ready before-
hand, and when the god arrived at the door of the alii's house,
the kahunas from within the house, having welcomed the god
with an aloha, uttered the following invocation :
41. Welcome now to you, O Lono! (£ weli ia oe Lono, ea!)
Then the kahuna and the people following the idol called out,
Nauane, nauane, moving on, moving on. Again the kahunas from
within the house called out, Welcome to you, O Lono! and the
people with the idol answered, moving on, moving on {Nauane,
nauane,) Thereupon the kahunas from within the house called
out, This way, come in! {Hele mai a komo, hele mai a komo,)
194
42. Then the carrier of the idol entered the house with the
image, and after a prayer by the kahuna, the cUii fed the carrier
of the image with his own hands, putting the food into the man's
mouth, not so much as suffering him to handle it, or to help him-
self in the least. When the repast was over the idol was taken
outside.
43. Then the female chiefs brought a malo, and after a prayer
by the kahuna, they proceeded to gird it about the god. This
office was performed only by the female chiefs and was called
Kai'Olo-a.
44. By this time the god had reached the house of the king,
the means for feeding the god were in readiness, and the king
himself was sitting in the mystic rite of Lono (e noho ana ke alii
nui i ka lui Lono) ; and when the feeding ceremony of hanai-
pu had been performed the king hung about the neck of. the
idol a niho-palaoa. This was a ceremony which the king per-
formed every year. After that the idol continued on its tour
about the island.
45. That evening the people of the villages and from the
country far and near assembled in great numbers to er\gage in
boxing matches, and in other games as well, which were con-
ducted in the following manner.
46. The whole multitude stood in a circle, leaving an open
space in the centre for the boxers, while chiefs and people looked
on.
47. As soon as the tumult had been quieted and order estab-
lished in the assembly, a number of people on one side stood
forth and began a reviling recitative: "Oh you sick one, xpu'd
better lie abed in the time of Makaiii (the cold season). You'll
be worsted and thrown by the veriest novice in wrestling, and be
seized per lapides,^'^ you bag of guts you."
48. Then the people of the other side came forward and,
standing in the midst of the assmebly, reviled the first party.
Thereupon the two champions proceeded to batter each other;
and whenever either one was knocked down by the other, the
whole multitude set up a great shout.
49. This performance was a senseless sport, resulting in
195
wounds and flowing of blood. Some struggled and fought,
and some were killed.
50. The next day, Koloa-kulua (25th), was devoted to box-
ing, holua sledding, rolling the maika stone, running races
(kukini), sliding javelins {pahee),^^ the noa>^ — or pnhenehene —
and many other games, including hula dancing.
51. These sports were continued the next day, which was
Kalochpau, and on the morning of the following day, Kome, the
akuchpoko, reached the border of the district, traveling to the
left, and turning back, arrived home that evening. The akita-loa
kept on his way about the island with the god of sport {akaa-
paani.)
52. The return of the akua-poko^^ was through the bush and
wild lands above the travelled road, and they reacehd the
temple sometime that evening. Along its route the people came
trooping after the idol, gathering pala fern and making back-
loads of it. It is said that on the night of Kane the people
gathered this fern from the woods as a sign that the tabu was
taken from the cultivated fields.
53. The keepers of the god Kane, whether commoners or
chiefs, made bundles of luau that same night, and having roasted
them on embers, stuck them up on the sides of their houses,
after which their farms were relieved from tabu, and they got
food from them.
54. The kahus of Lono also did the same thing on the night
Lono (28th), after which their farms also were freed from tabu
and they might take food from them. Likewise the kahus of
the god Kanaloa did the same thing on the night of Matili (29th).
This ceremony was called o4uau, and after its performance the
tabu was removed from the cultivated fields, so that the people
might farm them. But this release from tabu applied only to the
common people; the king and chiefs practiced a different cere-
mony.
55. With the aliis the practice was as follows : On the return*,
of the akua^poko, which was on the day Kane (27th), pala fern
was gathered ; and that night the bonfire of Puec^^ was lighted —
Puea was the name of an idol deity — and if the weather was fair
and it did not rain that night, the night of Puea, it was an omen
of prosperity to the land. In that case, on the following morning;
196
on the day Lono (28th), a canoe was sent out on a fishing
excursion ; and on its return, all the male chiefs and the men ate
of the fresh fish that had been caught; but not the women.
On that day also the bandages, which had covered the eyes of
the high-priest were removed.
56. On the morning of Mauli (29th) the people again went
after pala-fern, and at night the fire of Puea was again lighted.
On the morning of the next day, Muku, the last of the month,
the fishing canoe again put to sea. The same thing was repeated
on the following day, Hilo, which was the first of the month,
the new month Makalii, and that night the fires of Puea were
again lighted, and the following morning the fishing-canoe again
put to sea.
57. The same programme was followed the next day, and
the next, and the day following that, until the four Ku (3rd,
4th, Sth and 6th), as well as the four days of the 0/^-tabu,
(7th, Sth, 9th, and loth) were accomplished. On each of these
days a fresh supply of pala-fern was gathered; each night the
signal fires of Puea burned, and on each following morning
the fishing canoe put forth to get a fresh supply of fish. This
was also done on Hmva (nth); and that day the queen and
all the women ate of the fresh fish from the ocean. This
observance was termed Kala-hua,^^
58. On the morning of Mohalu (12th), the tabu set in again
and continued through the days Hua, Akua, and Hoku, during
which period no canoe was allowed to go afishing. On the follow-
ing day, Mahealani, the Makahiki god returned from making
the circuit of the island.
59. On that day the king for the first time again bathed in
the ocean. It was on the same evening that the Makahiki god
was brought back to the luakini.^^
60. That same evening the king sailed forth in a canoe ac-
companied by his retinue and his soldiery, to meet the Makahiki
god on his return from his tour, a ceremony which was called
61. When the king came to where the Makahiki god was,
behold there was a large body of men, with spears in their
lands, drawn up at the landing as if to oppose him.
197
62. The king was accompanied on this expedition by one
of his own men who was an expert in warding off spears.
This man went forward in advance of the king. And as the king
jumped ashore, one of the men forming the company about the
Makahiki god came on the run to meet him, holding in his
hands two spears bound at their points with white cloth called
oloa,
63. One of these he hurled at the king and it was warded
off by the one who went in advance. The second spear was not
thrown, the man merely touched the king with it.
64. That same afternoon they had a sham-fight with spears,
which was termed a Kane-kupua, After that the king went
into the temple of Waiea^^ to pay his respects to the Maka-
hiki god LonO'tnakua, as well as to the akua-poko,
65. When the king came into the presence of these gods he
offered a pig as a sacrifice. It was put upon the lele before the
idols, and then the king went home for the night.
The next day was kulu (17th), and that evening a temporary
booth, called a hale kamala, of lama wood, was put up for
Kahoalii,^^ directly in front of the temple, Waiea, and in it
Kahoalii spent the night. This hut was called the net-house, of
Kahoalii (ka hale koko Kahoalii),
66. That same night a very fat pig, called a piiaa hea, was
put into the oven along with preparations of cocoanut, called
kulolo, and at daybreak, when the process of cooking was com-
plete, all the people feasted on it; and if any portion was left
over, it was carefully disposed of. This was on the morning
of Laau-kukahi, and that same day the following work was done :
67. Namely, the entire dismantling of the Makahiki idols,
leaving nothing but the bare images; after which they and all
their appurtenances were bundled up and deposited in the
luakini. The men who carried the idols were then fed, and the
kahunas closed the services of the day with prayer.
68. A net with large meshes was then made, which, being
lifted by four men supporting it at the four corners, was filled
with all kinds of food, such as taro, potatoes, bread-fruit, bana-
nas, cocoanuts, and pork, after which the priests stood forth to
pray.
198
69. When the kahuna in his prayer uttered the word hapai,
(lift) the men lifted the net and shook it back and forth, to
tnake the food drop through the meshes, such being the purpose
t)f the ceremony. This was called the net of Maoloha.^^ If the
food did not drop from the net, the kahuna declared there would
Ije a famine in the land; but if it all fell out he predicted that
the season would be fruitful.
70. A structure of basket-work, called the zvaa-auhau,^'^ was
-then made, which was said to represent the canoe in which
LrOno returned to Tahiti.
The same day also a canoe of unpainted wood, called a waa
kea, was put to sea and coursed back and forth. After that the
restrictions of the Makahiki were entirely removed and every
one engaged in fishing, farming, or any other work.
71. On that same day orders were given that the timber for
a new heiau, called a kukoae,^^ should be collected with all haste.
The next day was Laau-kulua, and on the evening of the
following day, Laau-pau, the 20th, the king announced the tabu
of KalO'ka-maka-niaka, which was the name of the prayer or
service. This pule, or service, continued until Kaloa-kulua, the
25th, when it came to an end, was noa,
^2, On the morning of Kaloa-pau, 26th, the king performed
the ceremony of purification. He had built for himself a little
booth, called a hale-puu-puu-one,'^^ performing its ceremony of
consecration and ending it that day ; *then another small house,
or booth, called oeoe;^^ then a booth covered with pohue vine;
then one called palima;^^ and last of all a heiau called kukoa'e-
ahuzuai.^^ Each of these was consecrated with prayer and de-
clared noa on that same day by the king, in order to purify
himself from the pleasures, in which he had indulged, before
he resumed his religious observances.
73. On the morning of the next day, which was Kane (27th),
the king declared the tabu of the heiau he had built, which was
of the kind called kukoa'e, because it was the place in which
he was to cleanse himself from all impurities, haumia, and in
which he was to eat pork. This heiau was accordingly called
a kukoa'e in which to eat pork, because in it the king resumed
the use of that meat.
199
74- During the tabu period of Ku, in the month of Kaelo,
people went their own ways and did as they pleased; prayers
were not offered. During the tabu period of Hua in Kaelo the
people again had to make a hookupu for the king. It was but
a small levy, however, an3 was called the heap of Kuapola.
(Ka pu'u Kuapola,)
75. It was in this same tabu-period that Kahoali?^ plucked
out and ate an eye from the fish aku,^^ together with an eye
from the body of the man who had been sacrificed. After this
the tabu was removed from the aku and it might be eaten ; then
the opelu in turn became tabu, and could be eaten only on pain
of death.
76. During this same tabu or pule the king and the high
priest slept in their own houses. (They had been sleeping in
the heiau,) On the last day of the tabu-period the king and
kahuna-nui, accompanied by the man who beat the drum, went
and regaled themselves on pork. The service at this time was
performed by a distinct set of priests. When these services were
over the period of Makahiki and its observances were ended,
this being its fourth month. Now began the new year.^^
77. In the tabu-period of Ku of the month Kaulua, the king,
chiefs, and all the people took up again their ordinar}'' religious
observances, because religion, i. e. haipule,^^ has from the very
beginning of Hawaiian history been a matter of the greatest
concern.
78. In the tabu-period Ku, of the month Kaulua, or it might
be of the month Nana, the king would make a heiau of the
kind called a heiau-lotdu, or it might be, he would put up one
of the kind called a ma'o. He might prefer an ordinary luakini;
or, he might see fit to order the building of a temple to pvx>-
pitiate the gods for abundant harvets, that would be a luakini
houuhilu ai; or he might order the building of a war-temple,
a luakini kaua.^'^ It was a matter which lay with the king.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XXXVI.
(i) The word Makahiki megns a year of twelve months. In ad-
dition to this it was used to designate the festival-period which it is the
purpose of this chapter to describe.
200
In order to understand the matters treated of in this chapter it is nec-
essary to consider the calendar and the divisions of the year in use among
the Hawaiians.
The Hawaiian year had in it three hundred and sixty days, and was
divided into twelve months, or moons, mahina, of nominally thirty days
each. The mahina was supposed to begjfi on the first appearance of tke
new moon in the west, which day, or night rather, was named Hilo, a
filament or twist.
It should be noted that apparently in order to piece out the twenty-
nine and a half days of the lunar month into the thirty days of the
Hawaiian calendar monfh, either the first day Hilo, or the thirtieth, Muku,
must, as it would seem, have been counted in alternate months.
In each month there were four to&M-periods, called kapus, also called
pules (by David Malo), which were named the ist Ku, 2nd Hua, 3rd
Kanaloa or Kaloa, and the 4th Kane. The first three of these came at
intervals of ten days; that of Ku on the 3rd, 4th and 5tli; tTiat of Hua
on the 13th and 14th; that of Kanaloa on the 24th "^nd 25th. The kapu-
Kane was appointed irregularly on the 27th and 28th. The general dispo-
sition and arrangement as to time of these sacred periods points to and
argues strongly in favor of a decimal scale and a division of time into
periods of ten days, anahulus, three of which constituted a mahina. The
word anahulu (ten days) is of frequent occurrence in the old meles, pules
and kaaos. See Chap. XII.
The names of the days in the month differed somewhat on the different
islands. The following table is based on the authority oi W. D. Alexan-
der, who differs slightly from David Malo, as will be seen in the fable :
1. Hilo. ) 16. Mahealani.
2. Hoaka. > Kapu Ku, 17. Knlu, or Knlna, in D. Malo.
!3. Ku-kahi.) D. Malo. 18. Laau-ku-kahi.
4. Ku-lua. 19. Laau-ku-lua.
5. Ku-kolu. 20. Laau-pau.
6. Ku-pau. 21. Ole-ku-kahi.
7. Ole-ku-kahi. 22. Ole-ku-lua.
8. Ole-ku-lua. 28. Ole-pau \ Kapu Kaloa.
9. Ole-ku-kolu. Kapu-Kaloa (24. Kaloa-ku-kahi \ in D. Malo,
10. Ole-ku-pau, (or or Kanaloa/ 25 Kaloa-ku-lua.
Ole-pau. D. M.) 26. Koloa-pau.
11. Huna. Kapu) 27. Kane.
12. Mohalu. I Kapu Hua Kane j 28. Lono.
Kapu Hua j}'; fua. ' *° °- ""'^ Si mSu!
15. Hoku. (Hoku-
palemo, or Hoku-lli. )
(2) Ka niu a ke'lii nui. I am informed that this was a carved cocoa-
nut dish of rare workmanship, highly polished, which contained a num-
ber of choice things.
(3) Sect. 23. Pala fern, (Marattia alata.) This was obtained from
the butt-end of the leaf -stalk, at its attachment to the stem. It was much
eaten in times of famine. The extent to which the Maoris of New Zea-
land depended upon the fern as a means of sustenance suggests the ques-
tion whether there is not a reminiscence of that fact in the mystical and
20I
religious use to which the fern is evidently put in this ceremony, as well
as in other ceremonies to be described later.
(4) Sect. 24. The Makahiki idol. The accompanying sketch is a rep-
resentation of the Akua loa, Akua makahiki, or Lono makua, as the Ma-
kahiki god was called. The figure follows the descriptions given by ex-
perts in Hawaiian antiquities and tallies with that given by David Malo.
The resemblance of the tapa-hanner to the sail of a ship, remarked by
Malo in Sect. 25, is evident.
(5) Sect. 23. The kaupu was a sea-bird. It was spoken of as kaupu
auhai ale. It was the gannet or solan goose.
202
(6) Sect. 21 and 25. Ku-i-ke-paa : t'o halt, to stand still. The applica-
tion of the word to this use is due to the fact that in going after the
tree from which to make the akua loa, when the procession, at the head
of which was the high priest, bearing a feather-idol, came to where the
tree was growing, the priest halted, and, planting the staff that bore
the idol in the ground, gave the order Ku i ke paa, and the whole company
came to a standstill. During the felling of the free and the carving of
it to make the idol, the feather-god was always present, the staff that
supported it' being planted in the ground.
(7) Sect. 26. Akua paani: there are said to have been two of these,
consisting of spears, the heads* of which were surrounded with a sort of
basket-work intertwined and decorated with lets and streamers of whife
and yellow tapa. It is said that the games of the festival were directed
by gestures made with fhese poles.
(8) Sect. 27. The Hawaiians of the present day have a sport which
both sexes engage in while bathing together in the water. It is called
hiuwai, and consists of dashing water at and splashing each other.
(8^) Sect. 28. According to Kamakau of Kaawaloa, during these four
days all things were kapu t'o Lono-nui-akea, land and sea and sky. — ^W.
D. A.
(9) Sect. 33. Alia, meaning to wait, hold on.
(10) Sect. z'^. Ou kino — In archaic Hawaiian the form of the singu-
lar number is often used in place of the plural, as in the present instance.
David Malo himself shows a fondness for the use of the singular form
of nouns when the plural evidently is meant.
Mr. S. Percy Smith informs me that ou kino, which in Maori would be
ou tino, is a plural form, ou being the plural form of the second personal
adjective. Thus in Maori fou whare is thy house, ou whare is your
houses. This argues in favor of the view that the form ou in the passage
is a survival from the old Maori.
(11) Lines 5, 6 and 7. — Uliuli, Melemele and Omaokuululn are said to
be fhe names of places in Puna, Hawaii; but as used here they stand
for mystical places in the far off Kukulu Kahiki,
Mele-melc : Of these names Mere-mere is known to Maoris and is con-
nected with very ancient myths, located, say, in Malaysia, or India.
The above I have from S. Percy Smith of New Plymouth, N. Z.
(12) Line 13. — E ku i ka malo a hiu. These words are addressed to
the people. The religious services of the Hawaiians w^ere to a large ex-
tent responsive, being heartily entered into by the people, as instanced in
the service here described.
There are difficulties in the translation of this line. A malo bifurcated
at its end was called, it is said, he malo a hiu; such a malo belonged to
a kahuna.
(13) Sect. 41. IVeli, or welina, as more often found in modem Ha-
waiian, is a form of greeting of earlier usage than the present aloha,
(14) The invitation to enter and have food is eminently Hawaiian. In
a, mele o Hiiaka occur the following verses:
203
E kipa maloko e hanai at,
A hewa ae ka waha.
A eia ka uku, ka leo.
Come in and have food,
And loosen the tongue.
And the pay, — your voice.
(15) Sect. 43. Kaioloa, said to be a choice kind of malo made from
^juauke,
(16) Sect. 47. The epithets which the champions and fheir partisans
hurl at each other. I venture to give, as a sample of heathen billingsgate,
in spite of their coarseness; E mai nui, moe wale % ka wa o ka Makalii!
Moe ae oe ia ka at kauai, huki'a ka pauaka ko meamea, e he mat nui e!
(17) Sect. 47. Per lapides: This was a favorife hold with the con-
testants in the savage game of lua, one by means of which they sought
to take the life out of a man and make him cry "mercy." The Hawaiians
as a rule had no sense of fairness. No blow was foul, no advantage unfair
in their eyes.
(18) Sect. 50. This is but an imperfect' list of the games played.
Pahe'e was played with short, blunt darts of wood, or even with sugar-
cane tops, which were darted along the ground.
Noa was the name given the pebble with which the celebrated game of
puhenehene was played. It was held in the hand of the player who in the
view of the other side and of the spectators that were assembled passed
his hand successively under the different bundles of tapa, five in number,
that were ranged in front of him, hiding it under one of them. It was for
the other side to guess correctly the bundle under which the noa was
hidden, failing to do which, they must pay the forfeit. It was of course a
betting game, like all Hawaiian sports. The forfeits of puhenehene were
often of an immoral nature. (For further account of the games see Chap.
XLI, p. 220-240.)
(19) Sect. 52. Akua poko. Among the unnamed idols I have met
with is one which I believe to be the akua poko. This is a staff of kauila,
having a small figure in the form of a man arrayed with the mahi-ole,
feather helmet. The lower end of the staff is sharpened, as if for thrusting
into the ground. About midway of the staff is an opening with a head in
relief adorning each aspect of the fenestra. The length of the staff is about
three feet four inches.
(20) Sect. 55. Puea. These bonfires of Puea were lighted on an
eminence, so as to be visible to all the fishermen far and near along the
coast. They were beacons, and guided their actions. If the night was
rainy, it was accepted as an inauspicious omen, and the fires were alllowed
to go out as a signal that no fishing canoe was to put to sea; but if the
weather was fair, the fires were kept burning brightly, and at day-break
the canoes were to be seen at their fishing grounds.
204
(21 ) Sect. 57. Kala-hua, the removal of tabu from the fruits — of the
sea apparently, as well as of the land.
(22) Sect. 59. Lua-kini — A heiau of the highest class, a war-temple,
in which human sacrifices were offered; named from a pit, lua, and kini,
many ; into which the mouldering remains were finally cast.
(23) Sect. 60. Ka-lii. — ^This might be interpreted, doing the king-act,
or acting the king. Itf is said that Kamehameha I, disdaining the assistance
of another, as he jumped ashore caught the first spear in his hands, and
with it warded off the others fhat were hurled at him in quick succession.
(24) Sect. 64. The luakini of Waiea was unique. It was, I am in-
formed, the abode of the akua Makahiki, Lono-makua, the akua poko, the
akua paani, and of no other gods. On Hawaii this temple was located in
Puna, on Maui at ICipahulu, on Molokai at Kaunakakai, on Kauai at' Maka-
weli.
(25) Sect. 65. Kahoalii was a mythical hero who, according -to one
tradition, occupied the subterranean regions through which the sun
travelled at night during its passage from West to East. (See the story
of Maui). He is represented as having a very dark complexion, and
stripes or patches of whit'e skin, perhaps painted, on the inside of his
thighs. He was personated by a man entirely naked. "Nudity is the
sacred garb of deity." (Lady Beaulieu.)
(26) Sect. 69. Koko a Maoloha, the net of Maoloha. The expression
is used Ke koko a Maoloha i ka lani. Tradition says that the first appear-
ance of tlie koko of Maoloha was in a time of famine, when Waia was
king on Hawaii. In view of the famine that distressed the land, Waia,
who was a kupua, possessed of superhuman powers, let down from heaven
a net whose four corners pointed to the North, South, East and West, and
which was filled with all sorts of food, animal and vegetable. This done
he shook the net and the food was scattered over the land for the benefit
of the starving people.
(27) Sect. 70. IVaa auhau. This was a wicker-work crate, or basket,
made out of peeled tvauke sticks, which having been filled with all kinds
of food, was lashed between the two iakos, or cross-beams that belong to
the out-rigger of a canoe, and being taken out to sea, was cast off and
allowed to drift away. It was also called ka waa I.ono, Lono's canoe.
Waa* Auhau, or Waa Lono.
Apropos of the net of Maoloha (Sect. 69) at the time the net filled with
food was lifted and shaken, the following responsive service, called ka
Pule koko, the prayer of the net, was celebrated.
20S
The net is lifted and the kahuna opens the service saying—
1. E uliuli kai, e Uli ke akua e!
2. E uli kai hakoko!
3. Koko lani e Uli!
4. Uli lau ka ai a ke akua,
5. Piha lani koko; e lu — /
Then the people respond —
6. E lu ka ai a ke akua!
7. E lu ka lani!
8. He kau ai keia.
9. E lu ka honua!
10. He kau ai keia.
11. Ola ka aina!
12. Ola ia Kane,
13. Kane ke akua ola.
14. Ola ia Kanaloa!
15. Ke akua kupueu.
16. Ola na kanaka!
17. Kane i ka wai ola, e ola!
18. Ola ke alii Makahiki!
19. Amama, ua noa.
Kahuna — Noa ia ivai?
People— ^iVoa ia Kane.
1. Oh deep-blue sea, Oh god Uli !
2. Oh blue of the wild, tossing sea!
3. Net' of heaven, oh Uli.
4. Green are the leaves of God's harvest fields.
5. The net fills the heavens — Shake it !
Then the people respond —
6. Shake down the god's food !
7. Scatter it oh heaven!
8. A season of plenty this.
9. Earth yield thy plenty!
10. This is a season of food.
11. Life to tlie land!
12. Life from Kane,
13. Kane the god of life.
14. Life from Kanaloa !
15. The wonder-working god.
16. Life to the people!
17. Hail Kane of the water of life ! Hail !
18. Life to the king of the Makahiki !
19. Amama. It is free.
Kahuna — Free through whom?
People — Free through Kane.
206
Then the kahunas stand up holding tfheir hands aloft, and the people ex-
claim: **Ua noa. Ua noa. Ua noa." At the same time holding up the
left hand, and at the uttei-ance of each sent'ence, striking with the right
hand under fhe left arm-pit.
When the kahuna utters the words "E lu" — ^in the 5th line — ^those who-
are lifting the net shake it and make its contents fall to the ground.
(28) Sect. 71. The Ku-koa'e was a temple for purification. The mean-
ing of the word seems to have reference to a standing apart, by itself.
For an anahulu, ten days, the king must not enter into any other heiau.
(29) Sect. y2. The hale puu-puu-one was a round thatched hut of
such a shape as a pile of sand would naturally assume when heaped up
into a mound. Hence its name. It was for the use of the kahuna only.
No one might partake of food, or allow himself to sleep while in the
place. The entrance of a woman would have been an unspeakable defile-
ment, punishable with death. One of the ceremonies performed in this
sort of a heiau was the purification of the king or a chief, in case he had
perhaps been defiled by the touch of a corpse, or other impurity.
(.33) Sect. 75. Ka-hoa-lii — literally the peer of the king; personated,,
before stated, by a man entirely naked. This man was for the time a
god in the eyes of the people and therefore of course peer of the king.
(34) Sect. 75. The aku and the opelu are said to have come with Paao
from Samoa centuries before the white man came, and from that time to
have been regarded with superstitious favor.
(35) Sect. 76. Ka makahiki hou. I believe the meaning of this state-
ment to be that fhe Hawaiian new year began with the month Ka-ulua,
pretty nearly corresponding with our February, and not with Makalii.
(35/^) Sect. 77. Kamakau of Kaawaloa makes the following state-
ment : "These are the names of the five war months, viz : Kaelo, Kaulua,
Nana, Welo and Ikiiki,'' i. e., approximately from the first of January to
the end of May.
Again he says: "These are the names of the months in which there
could be no war, seven in number viz: Kaaona, Hinaiaeleele, Hilinaehu,
Hilinama, Ikuwa, Welehu and Makalii, filling out the remainder of the
year. W. D. A.
(36) Sect. 77. Hai-pule. The repeating of prayers. The same word
continues to be in use today to mean religious devotion, prayer, and the
external rites of religion, even the thing itself.
(37) Sect. 7S. This was the beginning of the year, the time also when
men went to war, if so disposed. The complexion of the king's purpose
and plan for the year on which he had entered, was to be seen in the
manner of heiau he ordered built ; whether a war-temple, whose reeking
sacrifices were as significant as the open gates of the Roman Janus, or one
of the peaceful sort, of which several are mentioned.
The heiau loulu was a temporary structure like a lanai thatched with
leaves of the loulu palm. It was mostly open at the sides, but a part
of the space, that at the top and bottom of the sides, was filled in with the
207
same material, the broad leaves of the loulu. The roof was flat and was
intended only to shelter from tlie rays of the sun. It could not shed the
rain. The object of this sort of heiau was to propitiate the god or gods
who presided over fishing that the people might have plenty of food.
There was of course great need of fhis when for four months the pro-
ductive industries of the land had been dried up, or diverted from useful
channels, and the accumulated bounty of field and ocean had been lavished
in religious offerings and feasting. The following prayer is one that was
used at such times.
' I. £ Kane i ke au hulihia,
2. Hulihia i ke ale ula.
3. / ke ale lani,
4. / ke pU'ko'a,
5. I ka a'aka,
6. / ke ahua Lonomuku,
7. Moku ka pawa ka po e Kane.
8. Eia ka alana la, e Kane,
9. He puaa, he moa uakea.
10. E ku ka i'a niai Ka-hiki mai,
11. He opelu, ka i'a hele pu me ka la,
12. He aku koko ia,
13. He uwiuwi, he i'a lana kai,
14. He aweoweo ku i ke kaheka,
15. E Kane, e ku ka i'a,
16. E ai ka maka-pehu,
17. E ola ka aina.
A mama. Ua no a.
1. O Kane of fhe time of overturning,
2. Overturn the bright sea-waves.
3. The high-arching sea-waves,
4. The coral reefs,
5. The bare reefs,
6. The cave-floors of Lono-muku.
7. Severed is the milky way of the night. Oh Kane!
8. Here is an offering, Oh Kane,
9. A pig, a white fowl.
10. Drive hither the fish from Tahiti,
11. The opelu, fish that travels with the sun,
12. The aku pulled in by the line,
13. The uwiuwi tliat swims near the surface,
14. The aweoweo that haunts the pools;
15. On Kane send us fish,
' 16. That the swollen-eyed may eat it.
17. Life to the land.
Amen. It is free.
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209
The articles composing this alana, or offering, were done up into five
parcels and distributed about the posts that st'ood at the four corners and
in the centre of the heiau. If in the next anahulu, ten days, an abundant
haul of fish was not taken, there was something wrong with the service
and it must be repeated.
Hciau ma'o. This sort of heiau was a temporary structure of small size
for the use of the aliis only, any when its purpose was over, it was taken
down. It was a slight structure covered with tapa cloth stained with
ma'o, of a reddish color.
The heiau mao might also be used to perform the ho-uluulu-ai
service, in which prayer to propitiate the gods of heaven and induce them
to send abundant harvests of food. The following prayer is one that was
used on such occasions:
1. E Kane auloli ka honua!
2. Honu ne'e pu ka aina.
3. Ulu nakaka, kawahawaha ka honua,
4. Ulu ka ai hapu'u, e Lono,
5. Ohi maloo, kupukupu,
6. Ohi aa na uala na pali,
7. Pali-ku kawahawaha ka ua,
8. Ka ua haule lani,
9. He haule lani ka uala.
0. He aweu ke kalo,
1. He lauloa pili kanawao.
2. O wao-akua ka ai, e Kane!
3. E Kane! e Lono! na akua mahiai,
4. Hoola i ka aina!
5. A poho ka ai,
6. A ulu kupukupu^
7. A ulu lau poo-ole;
8. A ka nui ia ka ai
9. Au, e Kane a me Lono.
20. Amama. Ua noa.
1. O Kane, transform fhe earth,
2. Let the earth move as one piece,
3. The land is cracked and fissured.
4. The edible fern yet grows, oh Lono,
5. Let kupukupu cover the dry land,
6. Gather potatoes as stones on the side-hills
7. The rain comes like the side of a pali,
8. The rain falling from heaven.
9. The potato also falls from heaven.
10. The wild taro is the only taro now,
2IO
II. The taro of the mountain patches.
The only food is that of the wilds, oh Kane !
Oh, Kane and Lono! Gods of the husbandmen,
Give Hfe to the land!
15 Until the food goes to waste.
Until it sprouts in the ground;
Until the leaves cover the land;
And such be the plenty
Of yt)u, O Kane and Lono.
20. The burden is lifted. We are free.
This service was performed in the open air; it was for the public weal.
(Comnmnicated by Polikapa of Auwai-o-Hmu, Honolulu, who obtained it
from Rev. Kapohaku of Kula, Maui, who was a missionary to Nuuhiwa.)
CHAPTER XXXVII.
CONCERNING THE LUAKINI.
1. It was a great undertaking for a king to build a heiau
of the sort called a liiakim, to be accomplished only with fatigue
and redness of the eyes from long and wearisome prayers and
ceremonies on his part.
2. There were two rituals which the king in his eminent
station used in the worship of the gods; one was the ritual of
Ku, the other that of Lono. The Ku-ritual was very strict
(oolea), the service most arduous (ikaika). The priests of this
rite were distinct from others and outranked them. They were
called priests of the order of Ku, because Ku was the highest
god whom the king worshipped in following their ritual. They
were also called priests of the order of Kanalu, because that
was the name of their first priestly ancestor. These two names
were their titles of highest distinction.
3. The Lono-ritual was milder, the service more comfortable.
Its priests were, however, of a separate order and of an inferior
grade. They were said to be of the order of Lono (moo-Lono),
because Lono was the chief object of the king's worskip when
he followed the ritual. The priests of this ritual were also said
to be of the order of Paliku.
4. If the king was minded to worship after the rite of Ku,
211
the heiau he would build would be a luakini. The timbers of
the house would be of ohia, the thatch of /ot//M-palm or of uki
grass. The fence about the place would be of ohia with the
bark peeled off.
The lananu'ti-nmmao^ had to be made of ohia timber so heavy
that it must be hauled down from the mountains. The same
heavy ohia timber was used in the making of the idols for the
heiau.
5. The tabu of the place continued for ten days and their
was noa; but it might be prolonged to such an extent as to
require a resting spell, hoomahanahana;^ and it might be four-
teen days before it came to an end. It all depended on whether
the ahcfi was obtained. If the aha was not found the heiau
would not soon be declared noa. In case the men took a resting
spell, a dispensation was granted and a service of prayer was
offered to relax the tabu, after which the heiau stood open.
6. The body of priests engaged in the work stripped down
the leaves from a banana-stalk — as a sign that the tabu was
relaxed :— and when the Ku-tabu of the next month came rounds
the tabu of the heiau was again imposed. Thus it was then that
if the aha was procured the services of prayer came to an end;
otherwise people and chiefs continued indefinitely under tabu>
and were not allowed to come to their women-folk.
7. The tabu might thus continue in force many months, pos-
sibly for years, if the aha were not found. It is said that Umt
was at work ten years on his heiau before the aha was found,
and only then did they again embrace their wives. This was
the manner of building a heiau-hiakini from the very earliest
times; it was noa only when the aha had been found.
It was indeed an arduous task to make a luakini; a human-
sacrifice was necessary, and it must be an adult, a law-breaker
(lawe-hala).
'8. If the king worshipped after the rite of Lono the heiau
erected would be a mapele ; or another kind was the hnu Lono
The timber, in this case, used in the construction of the house,
the fence about the grounds, and that used in constructing the
lananuu-maviaa was lama, and it was thatched with the leaves
of the // plant. (Cordyline terminalis) . There were also idols.
212
The tabu lasted for three days, after which the place would be
noa, provided, however, that the aha was found. If the aha
were not found the same course was taken as in the case of
the luakini.
g. The mapele was a thatched heiau in which to ask the
god's blessing on the crops.* Human sacrifices were not made
at this heiau; pigs only were used as offerings. Any chief in
rank below the king was at liberty to construct a ntapele heiau,
an unu o Lono, a kukoae, or an aka, but not a luakini. The
right to build a luakini belonged to the king alone. The fnapele,
however, was the kind of heiau in which the chiefs and the
king himself prayed most frequently.
10. The luakini was a war temple, heiau-wai-kaua, which the
king, in his capacity as ruler over all, built when he was about
to make war upon another independent monarch, or when he
heard that some other king was about to make war against him ;
also when he wished to make the crops flourish he might build
a luakini.
11. It was the special temple in which the king prayed to
his gods to look with favor upon him, and in the services of
that heiau he obtained assurances of victory over his enemies,
or received warnings of defeat at their hands.
12. If all the ahas of his luakini were obtained, then the king
felt assured that he would have victory and rout his enemies,
and he went into battle with good courage. But if the ahas
were not found, it meant his defeat, and he would not go out
to attack the other king.
' The building of a luakini for the king to worship in was
conducted in the following manner.
13. The king in the first place 'inquired of his high priest
in regard to building a luakini, whether he thought the old
luakini would answer, provided the house and the fence were
renewed; whether the old stone-wall should be allowed to re-
main, and whether the old idols should still continue to be used.
If the king's proposition was agreed to, the first thing was to
perform the ceremony of purification — huikala — on the heiau,
and make it moa, i e., free, to enable the workmen to enter it
that they might put a new fence about it, and newly thatch the
house with loulu-palm, or with uki.
213
14- If the king, the priests and others agreed that it was best
to build an entirely new luakini, the kahuna kuhi-kuhi-puu-one^
was sent for. It was his function to exhibit a plan of the heiau
to the king; because this class of persons were thoroughly edu-
cated in what concerned a heiau. They were acquainted with
the heiaus which had been built from the most ancient times,
from Hawaii to Kauai; some of which had gone into ruins.
These kuhi-kuhi-puu-ones knew all about these old temples be-
cause they had studied them on the ground, had seen their sites
and knew the plans of them all.
15. They knew the heiau which a certain ancient king had
built, as a result of which he gained a victory over another king.
That was the heiau, the plan of which the kuhi-kuhi-puu-one
explained to the king; and if the king was pleased, he first made
a sort of plan of the heiau on the ground and exhibited it to
the king with an explanation of all its parts, so that he could
see where the fence was to run, where the houses were to stand,
and where was the place for the lana-nuu-mamao with the idols.
16. Then a levy was made of people who should build the
heiau from among those who ate at the king's table — the aialo
— and the chiefs ; and the work of hauling the ohia timber for the
lana^nuu-mamaOy and for making the idols themselves, was begun.
The work of carving the certain images was assigned to
special chiefs. A stone wall was then put up which was to
surround all the houses.
17. The plan of the luakini was such that if its front faced
West or East the Lana-nuu-mamao would be located at the
northern end. If the heiau faced North or South, the lana-nuu-
mamao would be located at the eastern end; thus putting the
audience either in the southern or western part of the luakini.
18. Within this lana-nuu-mamao was a pit called a lua-kini,^
or lua-pa'u. In front of the lana-nuu stood the idols, and in
their front a pavement, kipapa, and the lele on which the offer-
ings were laid.
19. In front of the lele was a pavement of pebbles, or frame-
work, on which the offerings were deposited until they were
offered up {hai), when they were laid upon the lele. In front
of the lele was a house called hale-pahii with its door facing the
214
lele, in which the drum was beaten. At the back of the hale-
pahu stood a larger and longer house called mana, its door also
opening towards the lele. To the rear again of the hcde-pahu
was another house which stood at the entrance of the heiau. In
the narrow passage back of the drum-house, hale pahu, and at
the end (kala) of the house called mana was a small house
called Waiea, where the aAa-cord was stretched.
20. At the other end (kala) of Mana was a house called
hale-umu, in which the fires for the heiau were made. The
space within the pa, or enclosure, was the court, or kahua of the
heiau. Outside of the pa, to the North, was a level pavement,
or papahola, and to the South, and outside of the pa, stood the
house of Papa.^ At the outer borders of the papahola crosses
were set in the ground to mark the limits of the heiau.
21. After the stone-wall of the heiau was completed they
proceeded to build the lanamiu;'^ first setting up the frame and
then binding on the small poles, or aho; after which they set up
the idols of which there was a good number. Some of them
were niakaiwa,^ images of great height. In the midst of these
images was left a vacant space, in which to set up the new
idol that was to be made, called the Moi.^^
22. After all these things were done — the erection of the
houses being deferred until a tabu was imposed — the kahunas,
aliis, and certain other religious persons made preparations to
purify themselves, which they did in the following manner.
23. During the days when the waning moon was late in
rising over the island, that is during the nights of Laaukukahi,
etc., they made for themselves temporary booths called hale-
puu-one,^^ next booths covered with pohue vine, then an oe-oe
booth, then a palima^ then a hawai.^^ Each one of these was
consecrated and made tabu, its ceremonies performed, and the
place declared noa on the self-same day. After doing this the
purification of the priests, chiefs and others was completed and
they were fit to enter the heiau.
24. The next thing was to purify the whole island. On the
day Kaloa-ku-kahi the mauka road that extended round the island
was cleared of weeds from one end to the other, each man who
had land (abutting?) doing his share and all making a day of
215
it about the whole island. They set up an altar of stone at the
boundary of every ahu-puaa.
25. Then they carved a log of kukui wood in imitation of
a swine's head. This image, called puaa-kukni, was placed on
the altar, together with some pai-ai^ i e., hard poi.
26. This done, every man went his way home and the road
was left vacant. Then came the priest, smeared with red clay,
alaea, mixed with water, accompanied by a man, who per-
sonated the deity and whose hair was done up after the
fashion of Niheu}^
27. On coming to the altar on which was lying the pig's head
carved in kukui, the priest having uttered a prayer** and having
bedaubed the carving with alaea, they ate the pai-ai and the
priest then declared the land purified, the tabu removed.
28. Then they left this land and went on to another, be-
daubing with alaea the carved pigs' heads as they passed from
one land to another, all that day — and the next day (Kane), and
the next (Lono), and still another day, Mauli; — until the whole
island was purified, and this ceremony relating to the luakini
was performed. The ceremonies that remain were for other
priests to perform.
29. On the evening of the next day, Muku, all those who
were to attend the heiau, king, chiefs and commoners, came to-
gether in one place for purification, and when they had all
assembled, a special priest, whose function it was to perform
purification, came with a dish of water and a bunch of pala fern
in his hands and conducted the following service :
30. The priest said,
A
Lele Uli e! lele wai e!
He Uli, he Uli, he wai, he wai!
A lele au i ke au, e Kane-mehane o Nehe-lani.
Nehe ia pika'na ka lani,
A lama, he mu oia.
B
The people responded,
He mil oia.
2l6
The priest
said,
He mu ka ai-ku.
He mu ka aia.
He mu ka sJt'ula.
10
He mu ka paani.
He mu koko lana,
I koko puaa,
I koko ilio,
I koko kanaka make
15
He mu oia.
People-
He mu!
C
Kahuna —
Elielii
People —
Kapu!
Kahuna —
Elieli!
People-
20
Noa!
Kahuna —
la e!
People-
Noa honua!
30. The priest said:
Fly, O Uli ! fly, o water !
Here is UH, Uli! here is water! water!
I fly to the realm of Kane, the benevolent, noiseless in
the heavens.
Heaven is appeased by the sprinkling.
5 Light comes, he is gracious.
People respond:
He is gracious.
Priest : Awed into silence are the unceremonious ones.
Awed into silence are the atheists,
Awed into silence are they who gather at the hula,
10 Awed into silence are those who sport.
Awed into silence are the hot-blooded ones.
Give the blood of swine!
Give the blood of dogs!
Give the blood of a human sacrifice !
15 These are of godlike power.
217
People: Of godlike power.
Priest : Finished —
People: The tabu.
Priest : Finished —
People: 20 It is free.
Priest: O (god) la!
People: Freedom complete and instant!
The priest then sprinkled the water upon all the people, and
the ceremony of purification was accomplished ; after which every
man went to his own house.
31. On the evening of the next day, Hilo, the first of the
month — ^possibly on Welo — sl tabu was laid on the luakini, and
the king, chiefs, and all the people entered into the temple and
were ordered to sit down by ranks and to make no noise,
32. Then another priest came forward to preside at the
service, holding in his hand a branch of ieie; and standing in the
midst of ihe people he offered a prayer called Lnpchlupa, When
the priest uttered the words, E ku kaikai na hikia Stand up
and hold aloft the spears, all the people responded. Hail ! Then
the priest said la! and the people responded, Hail, Hail, o KuT
(Ola! ola, o Ku), When this service was over all the people
slept that night in the heiau under the restrictions of
tabu. Not one, not even an alii, was allowed to go out secretly to
sleep with his wife. If any one were detected in such conduct^
he would be put to death.
33. On the morrow, which was Hoaka, the people were again
seated in rows, as in the service led by the kahuna on the pre-
vious evening, and now another Kahuna stood forth to conduct
the service. He repeated a pule called Kau-ila Huluhulu
(rough kauila stick.)
34. That night, Hoaka, still another kahuna conducted the
service which was called Malu-koiy in which they consecrated
the axes that were to be used in hewing the timber for the new
idols, and laid them over night (in the little house Maita), A
fowl was baked for the use of the kahuna, another for the king,,
and a third for the deity; and then they slept for the night.
35. The next morning, Ku-kahi, the king, chiefs, peo-
ple and the priests, including that priest who conducted
2l8
the service of Malu-koi, started to go up into the
mountains. The priest who performed the Malu-koi service
with the ax was called kahuna haku ohia, because Haku ohia
was a name applied to the idol which they were about to carve.
Another name for the idol was Mo-L That day 'the kahuna
haku ohia began a fast which was to continue for six days.
36. In going up they took with them pigs, bananas, cocoa-
nuts, a red fish — the kumu — and a man who was a criminal, as
offerings to the deity.
37. A suitable ohia tree had previously been selected, one
that had no decay about it, because a perfect tree was required
for the making of the haktt-ohia idol ; and when they had reached
the woods, before they felled the tree, the kahuna haku-ohia
approached the tree by one route, and the man who was to cut
the tree by another; and thus they stood on opposite sides of
the tree.
38. The kahuna having the axe, and the king the pig — ^the
people remained at a respectful distance, having been com-
manded to preserve strict silence. The kahuna now stood forth
and offered the aha^^ prayer called Mau haalelea}^
39. On the completion of the prayer the king uttered the
word amana, (equivalent to amen), and then killed the pig by
dashing it against the ground; after which he offered the pig
as a sacrifice. This done, the kahuna inquired of the king,
*'How was this aha of ours?'* If no noise or voice, no dis-
turbance made by the people had been heard, the king answered,
*'The aha is good." Then the kahuna declared : "To-morrow your
adversary will die. The incantation — aha — we have just per-
formed for your god was a success. On the death of your
adversary, you will possess his lands, provided this business
is carried through."
40. The kahuna, having first cut a chip out of the tree, the
criminal was led forth, and the priest, having taken his life by
beheading, offered his body as a sacrifice. The tree was then
felled; the pig put into the oven, and the work of carving the
idol was taken up and carried to a finish by the image-carver.
The pig when cooked was eaten by the king and people; and
what remained, after they had satisfied their hunger, was buried,
together with the body of the man, at the root of the tree from
219
which the image had been made. The man used as a sacri-
fice was called a man from mau-Haalelta, Thus ended this
ceremony. ^
41. The people then went for pala-fern, making back-loads
of it, and they gathered the fruit and flowers of the mountain-
apple, the ohia, until the hands of every one were filled with
the bouquets. Then, some of them bearing the idol, they started
on their way down to the ocean with tumultuous noise and
shouting.
42. Calling out as they went, "Oh Kuamu.^o Oh Kuamu-
mu. Oh Kuawa. Oh Kuawa-wa. I go on to victory, u-o/^
Thus they went on their wild rout, shouting as they went; —
and if any one met them on their way, it was death to him —
they took his life. On arriving at the heiau they put the image
on the level pavement of the temple-court, and, having covered
it with tViV-leaves, left it.
43. That evening they measured off the foundation of the
house, mana, and determined where it should stand, where should
be its rear, its front, and its gables. A post was then planted
at the back of mana, directly opposite its door of entrance. This
upright was termed a Nanahua post, and it marked the place
where the image of Luamu was to be set. A post was also
planted between the Makaiwa — images of Lont^ — at the spot
where the image called Moi was to be set up. Tliis post was
called the pillar of Manu — ka pou o Mann.
44. The ensuing night stakes were driven to mark the ft)ur
comer posts of Mana, after which the king and prii\st wont to
carry the measuring line, {e kai % ka aha heleUouua) . The priest
stood at the comer post of Mana while he repeated the prayer,
and by him stood the king holding the sacrificial pig. When the
prayer was over the kahuna stooj)ed down and took the end of
the line in his hands
45. Then he ran frc^n that stake to the next, gave the Hne
a turn about the stake, then to the next and di*! the same thing
there, thence he returned and rejoined the king at the spot where
the prayer had been made. Then, having said Annum, the king
despatched the pig by beating him against the ground.
46. This done, the priest inquires of the king, "how is our
incantation — our ahaf'' and if no voice, no noise had been heard,
220
the king answered, "the ceremony — the aha — was good." There-
upon the kahuna assured the king that his government was
firmly established, "because," said he, "the land-grabbing cere-
mony (aha hele honua) has just been successfully performed."
It was a special priest who officiated at this ceremony.
47. On the next day, Kulu, the people came in multitudes,
bringing timber, cord, leaves of the /ow/w-palm, and «fei-grass,
with which to build and thatch the different houses, the drum-
house, the waiea, the mana, and the oven-house. When the
frames of the houses had been set up, the thatching was left
to be done after the kauila ceremony had been performed.
48. On the day Kulua, the Kauila nui celebration took place.
It was conducted in this manner: The king and a company of
men were stationed a short distance away at a place called
Kalewa, the kahuna and the bulk of the people being by them-
selves and not far away.
49. This was on the level ground — papahola — outside of the
hdau, the whole multitude of people being seated on the ground
in rows.
50 Then the keepers of the kaai-gois came, each one bearing
the kaai'god of his chief — the kaai-goA of the king also was
there. The number of these idols was very great. The god
Ka-hoa4ii also was personated by a man in a state of nudity.
51. At this juncture, the kaai-gods being held aloft, each on
his spear decorated with a banner, the kahu of each sat in front
of the god of his charge, waiting for the signal to run in a
circle about all the kaai-gods. If any kahu, however, made a
mistake in this circuit-running he was put to death, and the
duty of the running then devolved upon the alii to whom be-
longed the idol.
52. When all the people were ready, the high priest of the
temple came forward, arrayed in a large, white malo and carry-
ing in his hand a bunch of pala-iern. He was accompanied by
a man carrying a human skull containing sea-water (kai), Kai-
a-po-kea also was the name applied to the prayer which the
kahuna now repeated — a very long prayer it was.
52. Silence was ordered and the high priest stood forth to
conduct the service; and when he uttered the words, "a hopu!
a hopu!" all the kahus of the idols stood up and taking hold of
221
their idols, held them to their front, standing the while in a
well dressed line.
54. At the same time Kahoalii, the man-god, stood forth in
front of the kaai-gods, his nakedness visible to the whole multi-
tude, and the moment the priest uttered the following words of
invocation :
55. I Mau hoe e, the a Luakapu!
2 E Lukaluka e, he mau hoe e!
3 Ihe a Luakapu, e Lukaluka, e Lukal
4 O hookama ko hadauele, e Luka!
1 Strange paddles, spear of Luakapu !
2 Robed one, curious are your paddles!
3 Spear of Luakapu, oh Lukaluka,
4 Adoption will be to you a house, O Luka!
56 Kahoalii then started on the run in all his naked-
ness, and all the ^oai-gods followed after in regular order. They
took a circular course, all the time paying close attention to the
prayer of the kahuna; and when he came to the words, A mio i ka
Jani omamalu,^^
57. Kahoalii turned to the left, and all the feaai-gods follow-
ing turned also and came back. On their return they came to
where was standing a man with a staff in his hand, who joined
their company, and they all came back together.
58. When the priest in his prayer uttered the words of in-
vocation :
Kuku'i Kahiko i ka lani,
A uwa i ka make o Manalu.
Kahiko assails heaven with petitions.
An uproar at the death of Manalu,
all the kaai-gods with their kahus halted and stood in well
dressed ranks facing the kahuna in profound silence, and the
kahuna and all the assembly stood facing them.
59. The man whom they had met then took his station in
the space between the people and the kaai-gods, still holding his
staff in hand.
60. Then the high priest asked him in the words of the
222
prayer, "To whom belongs the earth? To whom belongs the
earth? {Nowai honuaf Nowai honua?)
6i. "The earth belongs to Ku," answered the priest; "a priest
has ratified the transaction." (Hana mai a mana ke kahuna).
Then the kahuna again asked the question of this man, who was
himself a kahuna, and he answered, "To Ku belong the small
pieces of land." {No Ku ka ha'i makaokao.)
62. The kahuna then went through with a long service of the
Pule kai, the full name of which was Kai-o-po-kea; but on ac-
count of its wearisome length it was nicknamed Unuhi kai po-
kca; and when their prayer was completed they sat down.
63. After that a priest of the order of Lono stood forth ; he
was called a kahuna kuhi-alaea — the kahuna bedaubed with clay.
He held in his hand a staff bound with a white cloth called
olo-a, and recited a service of prayer.
64. This was also a tediously long service, and was called
Kai Kauakahi, salt water of Kaua-kahL Toward the close of
this prayer the kahuna uttered the words, Oh Ku! remove our
perplexities! — E Ku ka'ika'i na hihia!
65. At this the whole assembly exclaimed, Hail ! The priest
then said, la. Thereupon the people responded, Hail, hail, Kuf
(Ola I olal Ku!) With these words came to an end the part
taken by this priest, also that portion of the service denom-
inated kauila (kauila ana).
66. After this all the chiefs and the people returned to their
own houses to refresh themselves with food. The material was
now made ready for thatching the houses in the luakini, and
when the arrangements were all completed, certain men climbed
upon the houses, taking with them thatch-poles (aho), of a
special kind called auau.
67 While this was going on the priest stood and recited a
service for these aho, in which he used the expression, kau na
auau,^^ — put the thatch-poles in place. When all these thatch-
sticks were lashed on, the priest concluded his service.
68. The houses were then thatched, the drum-house, the
oven house, waiea, and mana, after which the people brought
presents of pigs, cocoanuts, bananas, red fish, also oloa to serve
as malos for the idols, braided sugar-cane for the thatch of the
ann'u-mamao (same as the lana-nuu-mamad) as well as for the
223
mana. This accomplished, all the people returned to their
houses.
69. That same evening, Kulua, the haku-ohia idol, was
brought in from tl:e paved terrace, papahola, — (See sect. 42) —
and set in the place which had been specially reserved for it,
that being the spot where the pillar of Manu had been planted.
(Sec sect. 43.)
70. The post-hcle in which this idol (Haku-ohia) was «et
was situated between the Makaiwa^^ images, directly in front
-of the lanor-nuu-mamao, and close to the lele, on which the
offerings were laid. There it stood with no malo upon it.
71. At this time none of the idols had malos girded upon
them; not until the evening, when this image, the Haku-ohia
idol, had been arrayed in a malo, would the rest of them be so
covered. While in this unclothed state, the expression used
of them was, the wood stands with its nakedness pendent —
ua ku lewalewa kd laau,
72. Then a priest stood forth and conducted a service for
the setting in its place of this idol, which service was styled
ka Poupouana. A man who was a criminaP^ was first killed,
and his body thrust into the hole where the idol was to stand.
The man was sacrificed in order to propitiate the deity ; and
when the service was done the chiefs and the priests returned
to their houses, keeping in mind the work to be done that night.
73. That evening all the people, commoners and chiefs, made
themselves ready to pray to their own special gods for the
success of the service, the aha, which was to be solemnized that
night, being continued until morning.
^4. The special burden of their prayers was that it might
not rain that night, that there might be no wind, or thunder,,
or lightning, that there might be no heavy surf, that no fire
should burn, that there should be no sound or outcry from
voice of man or beast, that whole night until day; for thus
would the conduct of the service be perfect. This was the
character of the luakini-service from ancient times down.
75. That night some of the people left their houses and lay
in the open air, for the purpose of observing the heavens;
and if a cloud appeared in the sky they prayed that everything
that could mar the ceremony of the night might be averted.
224
76. When the milky-way was visible and the sky became
clear overhead, if it had perhaps been overcast, and all sounds
were hushed,
"jy. Then the king and the high priest went into the house,
Waiea, and were there together by themselves to conduct the
service — the aha. The multitude of the people remained at a
distance in front of Mana, listening, lest ai\y noise should be
heard to make the ceremony nugatory, (o lilo ke kai aha ana).
78. The king stood and held the pig and the priest stood and
recited the service, which was called hulahula.^^ Until the close
of the service, the king hearkened if every noise was quiet, and
then he perceived that the aha was perfect.
79. The king then dashed the pig against the ground until
it was dead and offered it to the gods, saying, ''Oh Ku! Oh
Kane! and Kanaloa! here is a pig. Keep and preserve me and
safeguard the government. Amen. It is free. The tabu flies
away."
80. Then the kaliuna asked the king, ''How is the aha you
and I have performed?" He repeated the question, "How is
the aha you and I have performed?" Then the king answered,
"The aha is perfect."
81. The king and priest then went out. to the people waiting
outside, and the king put the question to them, "How is our
.ahar
82. Thereupon they answered, "The aha is perfect; we have
not heard the smallest sound (kini)." Then the whole assem-
bly broke out into a loud shout, "Lele zvale ka aha e! Lele
wale ka aha el" with frequent reiteration. "The aha is com-
pletely successful." ( Literally — the aha flies away.)
83. Then the news was carried to the people outside of the
temple, and every body rejoiced that the king had obtained his
aha, and all believed that the government would enjoy great
peace and prosperity during the coming years.
84. The next morning, Kukolu, the high priest who had
conducted the ceremonv of hulahula, and who was the head-
priest of the luakini, took it upon himself to join the priest of
the haku-ohia-idol in a fast — that priest was already doing a
fast in honor of the god. So they fasted together during those
xiays.
225
85. During the days of fasting they sustained themselves on tlie
honey of banana-flowers. The high priest was fasting in pre-
paration for the ceremonies still remaining, the haku-ohia-priest
in order to make the idol into a real god (akua maoli),^^
86. On that same day — Kukolu — (hai ka haifia)^^ — the people
were called together and a feast declared. (This reading is
scmiewhat conjectural). Four pigs were baked. One pig was
laid upon the lele as a sacrifice, one was devoted to the use of
the kahuna, one for the use of the kahu-akua, and one for the
king and his men. The one for the king was said to be the pig:
for the iliili, i. e., for the pavement of pebbles.
87. On that day also a few men climbed up on the roof of
the house, Mana, taking with them bundles, makuu, of white
tapa, four in number perhaps, which they fastened to the ridge-
pole, while all the priests, gathered beneath them, were reciting
prayers. These two men were at the same time gesturing in
pantomime as if performing a hula-dance. This ceremony was
termed Hoopii na aha limalima.^^
88. Then came the kahuna who was to trim the thatch over
the door of Mana. The name of the service which he recited
was Kuwa. After that an idol, named Kahuanu'U'noho-n'io-n'io-
i-kapou'kua, was set up in the back part of the house, just
opposite the door, at the spot where the post called Nanahua had
been planted, and thus ended this ceremony.
89. That night all the priests assembled at this place to-
perform a service of prayer, in which they were to continue
until morning. This service was of a uniform character through-
out. It had been committed to memory, so that, like a mele,.
the prayers and responses were all recited in unison. It was
called Kuili.^^
90. That night a large number of hogs, as many as eight
hundred — elua lau — were baked; and — the priests being separ-
ated into two divisions, one on this side and one on that side
of Mana — each division took part in the service alternately.
91. The pork also was divided into two portions, four hun-^
dred of the hogs being assigned to the priests seated at one end
of the building and four hundred for the priests seated at the
other er'^ (kala). The priests and their men ate the flesh of the
swine and continued their prayers without sleep until morning.
226
92. The next morning which was Kujxiu, the Kuili service
was kept up and continued without intermission all day. That
day four hundred pigs were served out to the worshippers, two
hundred {elima kanaka) to those at one end of the temple and
two hundred to those at the other end.
93. The service was still kept up during the ensuing night,
two hundred and forty pigs being baked and served out — one
hundred and twenty to the priests of this end of the temple
and one hundred and twenty to those of the other end of the
temple. The service continued all night.
94. During the next day, Olekukahi, the Kuili-service still
went on, and four hundred pigs were baked and divided out
equally between the priests at the two ends of the temple. Only
the priests ate of this pork, not the chiefs; and that evening
the Kuili-service of the kahunas came to a conclusion.
95. In the evening the king and high priest went, as they
had done before, to hold a service {aha), called Hoowilinioo.^^
If this aha was successful it was a most fortunate omen for
the luakini. The kahuna, having first besought the king for
-a piece of land for himself, then addressed the king in a hope-
ful and confident strain, saying:
96. "Your heavenly majesty, (E ko lani,) you have just ask-
ed the deity for a blessing on the government, on yourself and
on the people ; and, as we see, the god has granted the petition ;
the aha is perfect. After this if you go to war with any one
you will defeat him, because your relations to the deity are
perfect." (Ua maikai ko ke akua aoao,)
97. That same night a priest conducted a ceremony called
Ka-papa-ulua.^^i It was in this way: the priest, accompanied
by a number of others, went out to sea, to fish for ulua with
hook and line, using squid for bait.
98. If they were unsuccessful and got no ulua, they returned
to land and went from one house to another, shouting out to the
people within and telling them some lie or other and asking them
to come outside. If any one did come out, him they killed, and
thrusting a hook in his mouth, carried him to the heiau. If
there were many people in the house, they resisted and thus es-
caped.
227
99- The next morning they put a long girdle of braided co-
conut leaves about the belly of the haku-ohia-idoly calling it
the navel-cord from its mother.
loo. Then the king and the priest came to perform the cere-
mony of cutting the navel-string of the idol ; and the priest re-
cited the following prayer:
I
2
3
4
loi. I. O ka ohe keia o ka piko o ke Aiwaiwalani.
O ka tihae keia o ka ohe o ka piko o ke AiiimwO'
lani,
O ke oki keia o ka piko o ke Aiwaiwalani,
O ka moku keia o ka piko o ke Aizvaiwalani,
This is the bamboo for the navel-string of the
wonderful idol.
This is the splitting of the bamboo for the navel-
string of the wonderful idol.
This is the cutting of the navel-string of the won-
derful idol.
This is the severing of the navel-string of the won-
derful idol.
The priest then cut the cord, and having wiped it with a
cloth, made the following prayer:
1. Ktipenu w/a, kupemi lei,
2. Aka halapa i ke akua i laau wail a.
I.
2.
Sop the red blood, wear it as a wreath.
To the grace and strength of the deity.
Compare Chap. XXXV, Sect. 14.
The king then uttered the amama and the service was ended.
102. The next day, Ouekulua, took place the great feast.
The chiefs contributed of their pigs, as also did the people. The
contributions were arranged on the following scale. The high
chiefs, who had many people under them, gave ten pigs apiece;
the lesser chiefs, with a smaller number of followers, provided
fewer.
103. In the same way, the people gave according to their
ability. When all the pigs had been contributed and oven-
228
baked the king and all the priests assembled for the ceremony
of girding the malo upon the haku-ohia-idol {e hoohume i ka
malo ke kii hakii ohia),
104. The whole body of priests recited in unison the pule
malo, a prayer relating to the malo of the deity:
Hume, hume na malo e Lono!
Hai ke kaua, hailea, hailono e.
Gird on, gird on the malo oh Lono!
Declare war, declare it definitely, proclaim it by mes-
sengers !
At the conclusion of the prayer they arrayed the idol in a
malo, and a new name was given to it, Moi, lord of all the idols.
After that all the idols were clothed with malos, and each
one was given a name according to the place in which he stood.
105. When the pigs were baked, a fore-quarters of each pig
was set apart for the kahunas, which piece was termed hainaki.
Bundles of pai-ai were also set apart for the kahunas, that
having been the custom from the most ancient times.
106. When the chiefs and the people had finished feasting
on the pork, the king made an offering to his gods of four hun-
dred pigs, four hundred bushels of bananas, four hundred cocoa-
nuts, four hundred red fish, and four hundred pieces of oloa
cloth ; he also offered a sacrifice of human bodies on the lele
107. Before doing this, however, the hair and bristles of the
pigs were gathered up and burned, and the offal removed; then
all the offerings were collected in that part of the court about
the lele which was laid with pebbles, after which the offerings
were piled upon the lele,
108. Then the Ka-papOr-ulua priest (Sect. 97) entered the
lana-nuu-mamao with the ulua — (This might be the fish, ulua,
or it might be the man whom the priest had killed in its stead,
as previously stated) and recited an aha which was of a different
rite but belonged to his special service. When he had concluded
his service he put to the king the question, how was our ahaf
The king answered, "It was excellent." "Most excellent in-
deed," said the priest to the king ; the hook did not break ; your
229
government is confirmed." Then the ulua was laid as an offer-
ing upon the lele, and the kahuna went his way.
109. After that the lana-nuu-mafftao was dressed with white
oloa. That day was called the day of great decoration (la kopili
nui), because of this decoration of the lana-nuH-mamao,
no. Towards evening that same day the priests and the peo-
ple, together with Kahoalii and the idols, made an excursion
up into the mountains, to procure branches of the koa tree, In
reality the koa-branches had been brought to a place not far
away. When they had gotten the branches of the koa-tree they
returned with great noise and uproar,^^ just as when they
brought down the haku-ohia-idol.
111. On their return from the expedition, that same evening
they made the koa branches into a booth and at the same time
the papa-ka-hui was let down. That night they sacrificed the
puaa hea for the consecration of the booth of koa branches (haU
lala koa),
112. In the morning all the people assembled to eat of the
hea pig. The fragments that were left over when they had
finished their eating had to be carefully disposed of. It was
not allowable to save them for eating at another time. On
this occasion Kahoalii ale an eye plucked from the man whose
body had been laid as an offering on the lele, together with the
eyes of the pig (puaa hea),
113. By the following morning, Olekukolu, these solemn ser-
vices were concluded, whereupon all the people, priests, chiefs,
and commoners went to bathe in the ocean. They took with
them the feaai-gods, which they planted in the bcacli. When
they had finished their bathing they carried with them pieces
of coral, which they piled up outside of the heiau.
114. On arriving at the luakini a number of pigs were baked,
and all, chiefs, priests and people, being seated on the ground
in an orderly manner, in front of the drum-house, they per-
formed the service called Hono.
115. When every body was in place the priest who was to
conduct the ritual came forward and stood up to recite the
service called Hono; and when he solemnly uttered the words,
O ka hoaka o ka lima aia iluna, the palms of the hands are
230
turned upwards, priests, chiefs and people, all, obedient to the
command, held up their hands and remained motionless, sitting
perfectly still. If any one stirred, he was put to death. The
service was tediously long, and by the time it was over the pig^
were baked; the people accordingly ate of them and then went
home to their beds.
ii6. On the morning of the morrow, which was Olepau, all
the female chiefs, relations of the king, came to the temple
bringing a malo of great length as their present to the idol. All
the people assembled at the house of Papa, to receive the women
of the court. One end of the malo was borne into the heiau,
(being held by the priests), while the women-chiefs kept hold
of the other end; the priest meantime reciting the service of
the malo, which is termed Kaioloa.^^
117. All the people being seated in rows, the kahuna who
was to conduct the service — (nana e papa ka pule) — stood forth;
and when he uttered the solemn word, Elieh, — completed, — the
people responded, Noa, The kahuna said, la e! Oh la! and
the people responded, Noa honua, Freedom to the ground ! The
consecration of the temple was now accomplished, and the tabu
was removed from ii, it was noa loa.
With such rites and ceremonies as these was a luakini built
and dedicated. The ceremonies and service of the luakini were
very rigorous and strict. There was a proverb which said
the work of the luakini is like hauling ohia timber, of all labor
the most arduous.
118. The tabu of a luakini lasted for ten days, being lifted
on Huna, nth, and on the evening of the following day, Mo-
halu, began another service of a milder cult — a hoomahana-
hana service. This continued for three days; and with it term-
inated the special services of the king.
119. When the people and the priests saw that the services
of the luakini were well conducted, then they began to have
confidence in the stability of the government, and they put up
other places of worship, such as the Mapele, the Kukoea, the
Hale-O'Lono, These heiaus were of the kind known as hooulu-
ulti (hoouluulu ai=to make food grow), and were to bring rain
from heaven and make the crops abundant, bringing wealth to
the people, blessing to the government, prosperity to the land.
231
120. After this the king must needs make a circuit of the
island, building heiaus and dedicating them with religious ser-
vices; traveling first with the island on his right hand (ma ka
akati o ka mokupuni e hele mua ai). This progress was called
nlu akau, growth to the right. When this circuit was accom-
plished another one was made, going in the opposite direction,
to the left. This was termed ho'i hema, return on the left. It
was likewise conducted with prayers to the gods.
121. All the aliis below the king worshipped regularly each
month and from year to year in their heiaus.
122. If an alii ai nioku, the king of an island, was killed in
battle, his body was taken to the luakini and offered up to the
gods by the other king {hai ia).
123. In such ways as these did the kings and chiefs worship
the gods in the ancient tmes until the time of Liholiho, when
idol worship came to an end.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XXXVH.
(i) Sect. 4. Lana-nuu-mamao, a tower-like frame, made of strong
timbers, covered with aho, i. e. poles, but* not thatched. It had three
floors, or kahuas, of which the lowest was named lana, the next nu'u, and
the highest mamao. The lowest, the lana, was used for the bestowal of
offerings. The second, nu'u, was more sacred; the high priest and his
attendant's sometimes stood there while conducting religious services. The
third, the mamao, was the most sacred place of all. Only the high
priest and king were allowed to come to this platform. When worship
was being conducted at the lana-nu'u-mamao all the people prost'rated
themselves. It seems probable that the lana-nu'u-mamao was used as a
sort of oracle.
(2) Sect'. 5. Hoo-mahana-hana, a relaxation of the rigor of iahu, a
resting spell in which the priests and workmen took it easy and indulged
in some informalities. It was analogous to Refreshment- Sunday in Lent.
The following form of prayer is communicated to me as one that was
used in entreating the gods to grant the dispensation for a period of
hoomahanahana.
Pule Hoomahanahana,
1 E Ku i ka lana mai nuu,
2 E Ku i ka ohia lele,
3 E Ku i ka ohia-lehua,
4 E Ku i ka ohia-ha uli.
232
5 E Ku i ka ohia moewai,
6 E Ku mat ka lani,
7 Ku i ke ao,
8 E Ku i ka honua,
g E ka ohia ihi,
10 E Ku i ka lam-ka-ohia, ka haku-ohia,
11 A ku, a lele, ua noa.
12 A noa ia Ku.
13 Ua uhi kapa mahana,
14 Hoomahanahana heiau.
15 E noa, e noa.
16 A mama wale. Ua noa.
O god Ku, of the sacred altar!
O Ku of the scaffolding of ohia-timh^rl
O Ku carved of the ohia-leltua!
O Ku of the flourishing ohia-ha!
5 O Ku of the water-seasoned ohia timber!
O Ku, come down from heaven!
O Ku, god of light'!
O Ku, ruler of the world!
O magnificent o/i«a-tree!
• 10 O Ku of the ohia-tree carved by a king, lord of ohia-
gods!
It lifts, it flies, it is gone.
The tabu is removed by Ku.
Robed are we in warm tap as,
A warmth that relaxes the rigors of the heiau.
15 Freedom ! freedom !
The load is lifted! there is freedom!
(3) Sect'. 5. Aha, often used to mean a prayer, an incantation, a
service, or the successful performance of a service, — the slabness and
goodness of it, in the present instance means a cord, or mat, braided
out of a sea-tangle, which was found in the deep ocean far out to sea.
Cocoanut fibre was combined with the sea- weed in braiding this aha. The
sea-weed was perhaps more generally called ahaaha. This aha was used
m fhe decoration of the shrine of Ku. The finding of the sea-tangle,
with which to make the aha, was, of course, more or less a matter of
good luck. Hence the uncertainty as to the length of the kapu.
(4) Sect. 9. Hoouluulu ai, to bless the crops. Here is a sample of
.a prayer used on such an occasion.
Pule Hoouluulu ai, or Pule Hoomau.
1 E Lono, alana mai Kahiki,
2 He pule ku keia ia oe e Lono.
233
3 E Lono lau ai nut.
4 E ua mai ka lani pili,
5 Ka ua houlu ai,
6 Ka ua houlu kapa,
7 Popo kapa wai lehua
8 A Lono i ka lani,
9 E Lono ef kuu'a niai koko ai, koko ua.
10 Ulua mai,
10 Houlu ia mai ka ai e Lono!
12 Houlu ia mai ka ia.
13 Ka moonioo, kiheaheapalaa e Lono!
14 Amama. Ua noa.
1 Oh Lono, gift from Tahiti,
2 A prayer direct to you oh Lono,
3 Oh Lono of the broad leaf,
4 Let the low-hanging cloud pour out its rain,
5 To make the crops flourish,
6 Rain to make the tapa-plant flourish,
7 Wring out the dark rain-clouds
8 Of Lono in the heavens.
9 Oh Lono shake out a net-full of food, a net-full of rain.
10 Gafher them together for us.
11 Accumulate food oh Lono!
12 Collect fish oh Lono !
13 Wauke shoots and the coloring matters for tapa.
Amen. It is free.
(5) Sect. 14. Kahuna kuhi-kuhi-pu'u-one, literally the kahuna who
pointed out' the piles of sand. Sand was the material used in making a
model, or plan of a heiau.
(6) Sect. 18. Lua-kini, Lua, 2l pit, and kini 400,000. It was this un-
doubtedly which gave the name to this kind of a heiau. Into this pit
it is said, that tlie decayed bodies of the offerings were finally thrown.
It is a singular thing that the name luakini should often be used to mean
a Christian church, or t'emple, whereas the word heiau is never, to my
knowledge, so applied. It seems to prove, however, that the luakiwi was
the highest grade of heiau.
(7) Sect. 21. Lana-nuu, the same as lana-nuiMnamao.
(8) Sect. 20. The house of Papa. — Papa was a mythical character, wife
of Wakea. — See Chap. XLV. The Hale Papa was the place where the
women-chiefs had their services.
(9) Sect 21. Makaiwa: Images with eyes of pearl.
(10) Sect. 21. Mo-i, sovereign, a word used in the days of the mon-
archy to designate the king or queen.
(11) Sect. 23. Hale-pitu-one : so called because it was of the same
•shape that sand would take if piled evenly in one spot. i. e., of a conical
234
shape, like the old-fashioned Sibley tent, used in the array of the Potx)mac
in the early years of the great Civil War.
(12) Sect. 23. Hawaii a long gabled house in which the women
priests of the order of Papa, assembled with the king and priests to
perform a service of purification, — Pule huikala, — ^after which they sepa-
rated, to remain strictly apart until the luakini was noa. The prayer
used on such an occasion was probably of the Moo-Lono, rite of Lono,
as follows:
1 E Lono i ka oualii,
2 E Lono uli moe,
3 E Lono uli lani,
4 E Lono ka lana mai nuu^
5 E Lono i ka ntakaiwa,
6 E Lono i ke one lau ea,
7 E huli e Lono,
8 E kala e Lono,
9 Kala ia na hala o ke alii kane.
10 E kala i ka hala ke alii wahine.
11 E kala % ka hala o na kahuna.
12 E kala i ka hala o ka hu, ka makaainanOy
13 He pule kala keia ia oe Lono.
14 Kuu'a mai ka ua pono,
15 Ka wai ola,
16 Ka alana pono.
17 Pono i kukini ia Lono,
18 Lono-a, ke akua mana.
19 Amana. Ua noa.
Response — 20 Ua noa ke kino.
21 Kapu ia kou heiau, e ke akua.
22 Hu a noa.
23 Noa, noa, ua lele,
24 A lele ia Lono, ke akua mana.
25 Amana.
1 Oh Lono, tender offshoot of deity,
2 Oh Lono, consort of Uli,
3 Oh Lono-UIi, the heavenly pair,
4 Oh Lono, comforter of this fleshy temple,
5 Oh Lono, the discerning one,
6 Oh Lono, who abides with one to the last sand,
7 Turn t'o us, o Lono.
8 Forgive, oh Lono,
9 Pardon the sins of the men chiefs,
10 Pardon the sins of the women-chiefs,
11 Pardon the sins of the kahunas.
235
12 P^nkm the sms of the boor» tV jxl^b^<^i\, {kn}.
13 This is a ]>etition to you for fK^f^oi^ oh \jW^
14 Send gradoas showers of rain» oh l-ono,
15 Life-giving rain, a grateful gift,
16 Symbols of Lono^s hle$^sing»
17 Lono-a, the mighty god,
18 Amen. It is noa,
ponse — 19 The bodies are purified.
20 Your temple is tabu, oh God.
21 Purification for the multitude,
22 Purification, purification.
23 Salvation by Lono, the mighty god. Am^n-
13) Sect. 26. Niheu: The hair WR« mixed with fu^ Pl»y— «/«^«~~
skewered on top of fhe head. The hair of ATUHh^f p^rwm, i^ \^ Mi4,
sometimes added to the natural hair,
14) Sect. 27. Pule huikala no ka aim, A prik^i^f to iWrlfy Umj hn4'
1 E Lono ma ka uH hni,
2 Eia ka at, eia ka ia,
3 He alana, he mchai,
4 He nuhanuha, he alana ia oe e Lono.
5 Houlu ia ka ai i keia ahufuafa,
6 E mlu a mahsH^U ke k4Uf,
7 E mlm a mwrntfa ka I4ai4.
% A eia ka pnaa,
9 He pwat^ kmkm mam € Um^-
10 E km a b9 akm pnaa,
11 A palabm k^ « i W94it4,
iz A i> horn qU i^ 4 k4 ¥im9.
13 E Limv, fjpfttf i k^im p lM^¥i 9 -
14 Amo^ma. t'tf «^'
O I^orn^ ^ the Uijie iir«*{*ni*ot !
An t>ff*:fii<^ vf Yi'Ay^ *i bit^^Hior
At. off-init^ -pf lai tOH^i: w /^^v v ^/^i// '
5 i>et tiit "Cii^j^t f«^H4fi$ii ii. liii: -^Vi-;-^>4<;f' '
Ttt^ 5irT(/ fUtv rt; ti^: Ki^'iiiA: tii. il- V>V <i**'* C'-'^*^-
Tttt VouiiL^ Ji^ »r- ii:. iaii' ni i^ cr**';ii:
t/ ^-wi'. I'Xw ujk^i >w»u' ^i*j,*i-av5
236
(A) Sect. 30. Uli, an au-makua, the chief agent of the kahuna
anaana, a goddess, often addressed as "Uli nana pono. Uli nana hewa."
She was also employed to do other criminal work. In the expression
Lele Uli! That goddess is appealed to to speed on her errand.
(B) Sect. 30. The word Mu here refers, it would seem, to Kane
previously mentioned. The meaning is not' very clear, but after sifting
the various conjectures thai have been offered, I think the most plausible
is that it adheres to the generic meaning of mu, as I take it to be, i. e.
silent, and by silence giving consent. In the following verse, He mu
ka ai-ku, and in those following to the nth. verse inclusive the word
mu is used in a somewhat different sense. I take it, viz., that the ai-ku,
those who eat standing, act unceremoniously; the ai-a, infidels, sinners;
and all the other bad ones are now quiet, awed into silence. In con-
sulting Hawaiian scholars as to the meaning of this word I have found
that they either had no opinion about it or that no two of them agreed.
I have also found that the same person held a different opinion at dif-
ferent times. It should be added that mu also means a gentle murmur,
like the buzzing of insects, as in the following extract from Ka mele
ka Nalu mai Kahiki mai/' which is said to be an old mele revamped
by an old bard named Manu who lived in the time of Kalakaua:
Mu olelo ke kai o Kuhia;
K0 zoa mai la la i ka laa-laau,
A lohe ka huakai hele Fuuloa.
Faint murmurs the ocean at Kuhia,
Spraying upon the shrubs.
Heard by the travellers to Puuloa.
(C) Sect. 30. Elieli: Eli is to dig. The following instance of its
use in a counting out rhyme sometimes used by children is quoted to me:
Eli-eli, ku-pala-la!
Nowaif nowai
Ka lima i hawa-hawaf
No kahupoka.
The above is repeated in connection with a play, or trick more pro-
perly that is played on some novice. A number of piles of sand are
heaped up, in one of which is hidden something foul or disagreeable. To
each of the players is assigned a heap of sand, the one containing the
filfh being given to the green-horn or simple one, and at the word each
one sets to dig, while one repeats the ditty. When the unfortunat'e one
soils his hands, his name is at once called in the final line.
(15) Sect. 32. Lupalupa, full of leaves, shaggy, flourishing; having
reference also to the branch in the hand of the priest.
( 16) Sect. 32. la : Hawaiian authorities are able to throw no light, and
conjecture but little light on the true meaning of fhis word. It is cvi-
237
itly the name, or appellation, or stands to represent some deity.
e only name of a deity corresponding in form to tliis is the Hebrew
H. Ps. 68:4.
17) Sect. 34. Malu koi: After a prayer the axes were laid within
lintels of the door of Mana and a sacrifice was offered of three fowls.
^'he following is a Pule malu koi:
1 E Kane uakea
2 Eia ka alana,
3 He moa ualehu,
4 He moa uakea,
5 He moa ulahiwa,
6 He alana keia ia oe Kane,
7 .No ke koi kalai,
8 Koi kua,
9 Koi kikoni,
10 Koi lou,
11 He koi e kai e kalai at ke kii,
12 He koi ou e Kane, ke akua ola,
13 Ke akua mana,
14 Ke akua noho i ka iuiu,
15 Ke akua i ke ao polohiwa,
16 E ike i au ia
16 Ke kahuna kalai kii,
17 A ku ke kii o Lanaikawai,
18 O ka wai ola loa a Kane.
19 E Kane eia kou hale la, o Mauliola,
20 E ola ia , ke alii heiau,
20 E ola i a'u ia , ke kahuna,
21 E ola i na kahuna kapu heiau a pau,
22 He ai kapu ka moa o ke alii.
2S E ai noa ka moa ke akua me ke kahuna.
24 A lele, ua noa.
25 A noa i ke akua.
26 Amama.
1 Oh Kane the blond one,
2 Here is an offering of prayer to you,
3 A snuff-colored fowl for you,
4 A fowl of a light-yellow color,
5 A fowl of a red color.
6 These are offerings for you oh Kane,
7 For the benefit of the carpenter's adze,
8 The woodman's adze,
9 The little adze,
10 The reversible adze,
238
11 An adze to finish off the image,
12 The image of you, oh Kane, the god of life.
13 The God of power,
14 The God who dwells in the unapproachable heavens,
15 The god surrounded with clouds and darkness.
16 Look upon me, the kahuna Kalai-kii,
17 Until the image of Lanaikawai is set up,
18 Water of eternal life of Kane,
• 19 Oh Kane, here is your house, Mauliola.
20 Etc., etc.
(18) Sect. 38. Pule aha: This was one of that class of prayers,
for the ceremonial perfection of which absolute silence and freedom
from disturbance was essential. The worshippers and the spectators, or
listeners, whether within the same enclosure or outside of it, must pre-
serve the most profound silence and attention. The charm of the
service would be broken by the crowing of a cock, the barking of a dog,
the squeaking of a rat, or the hooting of an owl. The intrusion of a
woman was strictly forbidden and was punishable with death. An aha-
prayer was a direct appeal to heaven to indicate by certain signs and
phenomena the answer to the petition. Rain, thunder and lightning were
generally regarded as unfavorable omens.
(19) Sect. 38. Mau-haa-lelea: An entire turning away, repentance.
(20) Sect. 42. Kua-mu, Kua-wa and Kua-wao were gods of the
woodlands. It was Kua-mu who felled a tree in silence. Kua-wa did
it with noise and shouting. Kua-wao, not mentioned in this prayer, felled
a tree anywhere and everywhere and as he pleased. This tumultuous
and joyous rout down the mountain was a farewell to these woodland
deities.
(21) Sect. 52. The following is a prayer such as is called
PULE O KAI-A-POKEA.
E Kane, e Lono i ke kai uH,
Ke kai kea, ke kai haloiloi,
Ke kai nalu-poi,
Ke kai, c Ku, e lana i Kahiki.
5 E Ku i ke kai i Kahiki!
He kai kapu,
He kai a Po-kea.
E apo i ka hua.
Oia ke kai e lolo ai,
10 Ka ohia, ohia Kua-mu, Kua-wao, Kua-zva, Kua-lana, .
E kaa ai ke akua kaei
O ke kahua aha-ula kuhonua,
O ka ohia haku-ohia,
Ke kii € lele ai a pau ka aina,
239
15 Nana e kulai ka hoa paio.
E Kane, eia kou ka% ola,
Ai ia, inu ia, penu ia.
E ola i ke alii, e ola i na kahuna,
E ola i na mea a pau i nioe-kapu i ka heiau!
20 A lele! A noa!
A mama! Ua noa!
Noa ia Kane, ke akua ola!
Oh Kane, oh Lono of the blue sea,
• The white sea, the rough sea,
The sea with swamping breakers,
The sea, oh Ku, that' reaches to Tahiti,
5 Oh Ku of the ocean at Tahiti,
The sacred ocean,
7 Sea of the bleached skull.
Take of the sea-foam
That is the brine wherewithal to consecrate,
10 Consecrate the ohia, ohia of Kuamu,
Of the woodland deities, Kua-wao Kua-wa, and Kua-lana,
That fhe kaei god may make his circuit
About the pavement guarded by the aha ula obedient
only to royalty.
The ohia, god-image of ohia,
15 God-image that shall fly to the conquest of the whole land.
That shall overthrow all enemies. *
Oh Kane, here is your life-giving brine.
To be mixed with food to be drunk, to be sopped up.
Long life to the king ! Long life to the kahunas.
20 Long life to all true worshippers in the temple!
It is lifted, there is freedom!
The load is removed! Freedom!
Freedom through Kane, the life-giving one!
(a) Pokea : probably from poo kea, white head, i. e., a bleached
skull. The dish that held the brine was^a skull.
(b) Aha ula: the kind of aha here meant is the cord braided with
much art, of many colored strands — one of them red, ula — which was
stretched as a mystic protection about fhe residence of an alii with a
kapu. It was claimed that if a tabu chief came to it, the aha would of
itself fall to the ground, out' of respect due to the tabu of the chief; but
the strength of the chief's tabu must be such as to warrant it. Of course
it would be death to any one who laid unconsecrated hands upon it.
(c) Haku-ohia: this was a name applied to the idol called Moi,
spoken of in section 21, which was carved from ohia wood. Haku means
lord or head.
240
N. B. It will be perceived that I have divided line lo into two. The
exigencies of translation made this necessary.
(22) Sect. 53. Hopu, seize, a word of command uttered by the
officiating priest, the meaning being, take, gods, as in a military command,
such for instance, as carry arms.
(23) Sect. 55. Mau hoe e, ihe a Luakapu, etc. Ntedless to say, the
difficulties of this passage are doubled by the inaccuracy of the etymology
and absurdities of punctuation. The language is highly figurative, the
key to its meaning being found in the veiled allusions to the nakedness
of the man-god, Kahoalii. Ihe, a euphuism for memlirum virile of
Kahoalii. Luakapu, synonym of Kahoalii. Lukaluka, a fold of tapa
cloth, worn by priests and others about tlie loins in a manner similar
to the pau worn by the women. Hookama is to adopt as a son. Haa-
lauele means a house, an archaic word.
(24) Sect. 56. A mio i ka lani omamalu (ia Kahiko). The words
in parenthesis are not quoted by Malo, though they belong to the verse,
as I am informed.
(25) Sect. 58. Kuku,i Kahiko i ka lani, &c. The text is in the literal
form quite mieaningless. It is as follows : "Kukui, kahiko, i ke lam au,
wai\la make o manalu." Kahiko was a king of Hawaii in ancient times.
Tradition says of him that he was at first a good king. A head showed
itself in the^heavens and a voice was heard 'from it asking the question,
"What man is t;here on earth ,who is just 'and upright in his life?" — {Owai
ke kanaka olalo i pono ka noho ana?) The people answered "Kahiko."
Later in his reign, whenj he had taken to evil ways, the same head ap-
peared and asked the question, "What man is there on earth who leads
a bad life?" Again. the people answered, "Kahiko." "What is his fault?"
asked the voice. "He commits murder;: he robs the people of tlieir hair;
his life is corrupt, and now he instructs the people to pray to him, that
all power is his." Manalu is said to have been the high priest of KaSiiko.
He is described a^ a very selfish person, not contented to suffer another
priest to conduct a service without his interference and impertinent dis-
turbance, grimacing and making insulting gestures. His fellow priests
finally raised heaven and earth and besought fhe king that he might be
put to death.
Apropos of this the following pule has been communicated to me :
1 Make Kane ia hii,
2 Hii luna i ka lani Kane,
3 Hii ka honua ia Kane,
4 Hii ke ao opulepule,
5 Pule ola i Kane e.
6 O Kane ke akua ola.
7 Amama Kahiko ia Kane.
8 E ola Kane.
9 Amama. Ua noa.
241
Response (?). lo Noa o Kane, ke akua o ke kupulau,
11 lo welo Kahiko o Kane,
12 O Kane i o Manaele.
13 Maeleele ka lani,
14 Ka lani, ka honua, ua kapn no Kane.
15 Amatna. Ua noa.
1 Kane wearies himself to death vi-ith care,
2 Care for the government of his own heavenly kingdom,
3 The earth is governed by Kane,
4 Kane cares for the mottled scirrus clouds.
5 Pray to Kane for life.
6 Kane is the god of life.
7 Kahiko said amama to Kane
8 Hail Kane!
9 Amama. It is noa.
Response — 10 The freedom of Kane, God of ilie shooting herb.
11 Through Kahiko, successor of Kane.
13 Darkened were the heavens.
12 Kane transmitted it to Manaele.
14 The heavens, the earth, are sacreij to Kane.
15 Amama. It is noa.
(26) Sect. 61. The phrase, Hana, mai a mana ke kahuna, which I
have translated, a priest ratified it, is so ungrammatically put in the text
that some ingenuity is necessary to make any sense at all of it. The writ-
ing of the words is in a different hand from the rest of the text. I am
told that it was the custom, when land was made over to any one, for a
priest to ratify the transaction by some appeal to heaven.
(27) Sect. 61. The response made by the man puts one in mind of
the passage, "The eartli is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof.*'
(28) Sect. 64. Hihia literally means entanglements. Perhaps in the
present instance it might better be translated burdens. The word ka'i,
or its reduplicated form kaikai, as here, literally means to bear, to carry.
(29) Sect. 66. The expression, *'kaH ita auau," is said to be very
old.
The following example of its archaic use is communicated to me:
1 Aulana auau ka aha!
2 Hca kupukupu ka uki wailana!
3 Lanalana, hauhoa ka aha,
4 / ke kua o ke oa ka hale o Lotio!
5 E Lono, eia ko hale la, Mauliola,
6 He hale ka-uki
7 E hoano, hoano e Kane!
8 Hoano i ko hale!
242
9 He luakini kapu,
10 He ana nau e Kane.
11 E ola! e ola! e ola Kane!
12 Hoano! Ua noat
Above the level of the ground floats the thatch-pole,
Lash with a tight loop the uki leaf to this thatch-pole !
Bind and lash the cord firmly
To the back of the rafters of Lono*s house!
5 Oh Lono, here is a house for you, the house Mauliola !
A house finished with uki leaf.
Consecrate! consecrate, oh Kane!
8 Consecrate this house!
A sacred temple,
10 A cave-temple for you, oh Kane !
Life! life! life through Kane!
Consecrated! The work is done!
(30) Sect. 70. Makaiwa, pearl-eyed, a term descriptive of the images.
(31) Sect. 72. That a criminal was chosen for this sacrifice is not
to be credited. In order to fulfill this function worthily, the victim must
be perfect and blameless. An infant, or an aged person, a female, or one
in anywise deformed would not' fill the bill.
(32) Sect. 78. The following is communicated to me as as a
PULE HULAHULA.
1 Kai-ku ka lani, kakaa ka honua, alaneo ke kula.^
2 Ua moe ka ia, ua alaneo ka lani,
3 Hoomamalu ka lani la,
4 E Ku! e Kane! e Lono!
5 E Lono i ka po lailai,
6 Kuu*a mai ka alaneo !
7 Eia la he mohai,
8 He puaa no ka aha maka,^
9 He aha hula no ke alii,
10 No ka hale ke akua.
11 Ea ka lani, ea ka honua,
12 Ea ia Kane ka waiola,
13 E ola i ke kini o ke akua!
14 Hoano! hoano! ua ola! ola!
15 Ola ke alii, ola ua akua.
16 Eia ka mohai la, he puaa.
17 A make ka puaa, nau e ke akua.
18 A noa! Ua ola!
243
Resplendent the heavens, crystalline the earth, mirror-like earth's
plane,
The milky way inclines to the West, refulgent are the heavens.
The heavens are guarded by the milky way.
Oh Ku ! Oh Kane, Oh Lono !
5 Oh Lono of the clear night,
Keep the brightness of the heavens undimmed !
Here is an offering,
A swine sacrificed for this performance in public *>
The celebration of a hula, a hula in honor of the king,
10 In honor of the house of the god.
The king comes forth, the people gather together,
Kane comes with the water of life.
Life through the multitude of the gods !
Sacred! sacred! Life! life!
15 Life through the king! life through the gods?
Behold the sacrifice, a pig!
Sacrificed is the pig, it is thine O God!
It is done! We are saved!
(a) When fhe heavens were clear and free from clouds it was a good
omen.
(b) This performance was called aha maka, a performance for the
eye, maka. All previous performances had been in secret and for re-
hearsal.
(33) Sect. 85. Akua maoli: The carving of an idol did not produce a
real god, akua maoli. To accomplish this sacrifice, worship, prayer, hoo-
mafia, were required. It was a work of time, patience, and faith.
(34) Sect. 87. Aha linaliva: said properly to be aha limalima: sa
called from the finger-like tassels or points which hung from it. It was
a decorative, net-like arrangement of cords, fringed with tassels {lima-
lima). This was hung over the ridge-pole. The prayer which was ut-^
tered was said to be as follows, and was called
PULE KUWA.
E Ku i ka lani,
Ke aha o makuu-halala*
E Ku i kaupaku Hanalei, makuu oloa,
E pu, e hikii, c paa ia oloa,
5 O oloa hulihia ka mana,
He mana puki no ka aha oloa,
E mana % ke akua.
E oki i ka piko Mana.
Ua mana, mana ka aha linalina
10 / ka hale ke akua o Kane.
Oki* a ka piko!
A noa! ua noa!
244
O Ku in the heavens!
Behold the cord done into the all-induding knot!
Oh Ku of the mystic, wonderful ridge-pole of Hanalei !
Bind, tie with the knotted oloa !
5 It' is the oloa that shall overturn the power.
Power is wrapped up in the oloa cord.
Let power go forth to the god-image !
Cut now the navel-cord of the house Mana!
Virtue, virtue resides in the knotted oloa cord
10 That decorates the house of god Kane.
11 Cut' now the navel-string!
Done! It is done!
(*) Ke aha o makuu halala. Mr. S. Percy Smith finds in this a ref-
erence to the ancient Maori sajdng, "Here ki te here o Matuku-tako-tako,
te taca te wewefe." "Bind with the binding of Mat'uku-tako-tako, which
cannot be undone." It is a long story.
(35) Sect. 89. Kuili: this word means, I am told, that everyone talks,
or prays at once. In this case the reference is to the fact, so said, that
all utter their prayers at the same time. Whether this applies only to
the priests, or also includes the people, I am not able to say
PULE KUILI.
Kuili ka pule lani Ku,
E Kane, e Lono i ka ouli lani,
Lani kuwa, e Kane,
Kane ke akua mana,
5 Mana e hehi ka aha hulahula,
Kuili ia ka leo paa,
Ka leo wi, ka leo ohe, ka leo ohia,
Haku-ohia uka e!
Kuili ia i paa,
10 E. paa i ka lani,
A mana i ka lani
A ulu i ka lani,
A lu i ka lani, lani ku.
Oili ka pule.
15 Kuili! kuhano!
He lani pakaua kukahi.
Ua noa! — E hui ka pule!
Unite now in fhe prayers of the king to Ku !
•Oh Kane, oh Lono of the portent-showing heavens.
Heavens that have been lifted up O Kane,
Kane the god of power.
^45
5 Power to foot it in the assemWy of the dancers
Restrain now the voice and suppress it.
The voice of hunger, the sound of the bamboo^ the sound of thv^
ohia trees,
Ohia-god of the mountain forests.
Lift up your prayers that they may be approved!
10 Approved in the heavens!
Have power in the heavens !
Flourish in the heavens!
Scatter blessings from the heavens, the upper hcavcttnl
The prayer unrolls itself.
J5 The prayer is uttered; Kane reigns over all.
A heaven that is a walled stronghold.
The prayer is finished. — Let all pray!
(36) Sect. 95. In this ceremony a long line of sinnct made of coco-
nut fibre was hung about the inside of the house Mana, from whlcli wrre
suspended a number of st'rips of tapa of the sort called mahuna. The literal
meaning of the phrase hoozvili-moo is to twist the serpent or lizard. fUtt
symbolical expressions that have made departures as far fr(;tn the orig-
inal starting point as the serpent-land of Asia is from scrpcnt-ffec Ha-
waii, have as a rule precious little of the original literalism left In their
meaning. The following is communicated to me as a
PULE HOOIVILIMOO.
Hauli lani ka aha ka apipi o Kane,
O Kane ulu lani, hakoikoi ka lani,
Lani ku, ka alana o aha ula Hoowilimoo,
Moo lani, moo lani aukuku ka honua.
5 IJa wela ka hoku Kaelo ia \fakaUi,
Ka auhuhn paina,
O Hoowiiitnoo ka aha nani,
Sani Kukulu o Kahiki,
Ua nani ka aha,
10 Ua moe kaoo ka leo kanaka.
E kai ka aha no ke alii,
He aha noa, he aha lele.
He aha kapu, he aha k%,
KuUa ka aha no ke alii,
13 ^ make ka hoa paio.
KuUa ka aha, ola «>> ke alii
A Im, a ^la, ola ka aina
la 6e K%ne^ ze 'iknia ^/la
E 'ila '/f'M ia ^M'Bh^/e^ ke ^Hi.
20 Us noa' C'j k^-, kn nh^f
246
From heaven fell the aha to the spot favored by Kane,
Kane who arched the heavens, mottled with clouds the whole
heavens.
Gift of the sacred red aha of Hoowilimoo of the upper heavens.
Heavenly portent! heavenly portent! that fills the earth with
blessings.
5 The star, Kaelo, blazes in the season of Makalii,
The bitter auhuhu scorched to brittleness,
Hoowilimoo is the beautiful service.
Beautiful is Tahiti,
Favorable are the omens for the service.
10 The voice of the multitude is at rest.
Now must we perform the service for t'he king.
An acceptable service, one that reaches its end,
A sacred service tliat shall not fail.
The assembly stands before t'he king.
15 His enemies shall m.elt away before him.
Pour abundance! life! life to the land
Through you Kane, the god of life !
Life to me, to (Mahoe) the king!
20 It is accepted! The service is accomplished!
(3<^ %) Sect. 97. Ka-papa-ulua : This peculiar custom, seeming relic,
surviving echo perhaps of old-time. South-sea cannibalism, was called by
this name because in going out' the rowers who occupied the forward part
of the canoe were in the habit of striking (ka) vigorously against the
side (papa) of the canoe, at the same time the one who held hook and
line sat in the stern. The name ka-papa-ulua was also applied t'o the
ikahuna who hooked the human ulua. In going through the village the
kahuna used the same means to wake up and bring out the human prey
as he did in the ocean. He struck with his paddle on the door of t'he
"house at the same time calling out some blind phrase perhaps, as haha
ulua, haha mano/' signifying a big catch of that kind of fish, on which
ihe occupants of the house, would, if green, run out to see the sight, and
•thus give the murderous priest his opportunity. A dead man, not a Woman,
with a hook in his mouth answered very well as an ulua. In fact it was
more desired by the priests, though it was euphemistically called by the
same name.
(37) Sect. no. The occasion of bringing down the koa tree, like that
of fetching the haku-ohia-idol from the mountains, was a scene of riot and
tumultuous joy, like the procession of a Bacchic chorus, or shouting t'he
harvest-home. The following is communicated to me as a sample of the
'wild song and chorus shouted by the multitude on such an occasion :
247
MELE HOOKANIKANI-PIHE.
One — I ku mau mau!
All — / ku wa!
One — I ku mau maui
I ku huluhulu!
I ka lanawao!
All — I ku wa!
One — / ku lanawao!
All — I ku wa!
I ku wa! huki!
I ku wa! ko!
I ku wa a mau!
A mau ka eulu!
E huki, e!
Kuli'a!
\Jmi*a ka hanu!
A lana, ua holo ke akua!
Stand up in couples!
It moves, the god begins to run !
Stand at intervals!
Stand in couples
Haul with all your might!
Under the mighty trees!
Stand at intervals !
Stand up among the fall forest trees!
Stand at intervals !
Stand at intervals! and pull!
Stand at intervals! and haul!
Stand in place! and haul!
Haul branches and all!
Haul now!
Stand up my hearties !
Hold your breath now !
It moves, the god begins to run!
(38) Sect. 116. Kai'Oloa: Any tapa that was bleached with sea-
water was called kai-oloa. The following is communicafed to me as a
PULE KAIOLO'A.
Malo lani kailolo'a,
Ka male ke akua, Uli,
Uliuli kai, e Hina!
Hinaluuloa ka malo Hina.
S He ua lele ka malo Ku,
Ku i ka lalani heiau,
Aulana ka malo Lono!
Hume! hume ka malo Lono-kaiolohia !
E lei ana ka malo o Lono-honua.
10 Honua-ku-kapu ka malo lo-uli.
Ka malo puhano, kukapu, e Kane-auhaka,
Hume ia ko malo!
Eia la he malo kapu, he olo'a. •
Oloa lani ke ola na 'Hi wahine.
15 Hikii ia a paa i ka heiau,
Heiau ku, heiau lani,
No ke alii, no Umi a Liloa.
E ola ke alii!
E lanakila kee alii a make ka hoapaio!
20 E hume ke kii i ka malo!
Ua noa! a noa ka maka, maka aha ke alii!
248
Malo of the king, bleached in the ocean,
Malo of god Uli !
Dark blue the sea, oh Hina!
Bright red the malo of Hina.
5 Lace-like as a mist-scud the malo of Ku,
Ku, the god of many temples.
Pass between the thighs the malo of Lono!
Gird! gird on the malo of Lono, the variegafed!
They are bearing on their shoulders the malo of Lono-honua.
10 Decorated at its ends is the malo of the bird-god To-uli,
Leaf embroidered the malo of long-limbed Kane,
Gird on your malo!
Lo here is a sacred malo, bleached by the ocean !
The sacred malo of the king is life to the women chiefs.
15 Bind it fast to the heiau!
An ordinary heiau, a royal heiau,
A heiau for the king, for Umi, son of Liloa.
Long live the king!
May he be victor, and put down all his enemies!
20 Array now the god-image in the malo !
It is accepted, the ceremony, the ceremony of the king is ac-
cepted.
(39) Sect' 86. Hai ka haina : made a report to the king that everything,
including the omens, was going on well, and was favorable.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE CIVIL POLITY.
T. The word kalaimoku related to the civil polity, or govern-
ment, of the land. The government was supposed to have one
body (kino). As the body of a man is one, provided with a
head, with hands, feet and numerous smaller members, so the
government has many parts, but one organization.
2. The corporate body of the government was the whole
nation, including the common people and chiefs under the king.
This is seen to be the case from the fact that in a country where
there are no people there is no government, as on Kaula and
Niihoa.* The king was the real head of the government; the
chiefs below the king the shoulders and chest. The priest
of the king's idol was the right hand, the minister of interior
(kanaka kalaimoku) the left hand of the government. This was
the theory on which the ancients worked.
(*) Two rocky islets inhabited only by sea-birds.
249
3- The soldiery were the right foot of the government, while
the farmers and fishermen were the left foot. The people who
performed the miscellaneous offices represented the fingers and
toes. The unskilled and ignorant mass of people were some-
times termed hu, sometimes makaainana,
4. There were two strong forces, or parties, in the govern-
ment; one the kahunas, who attended to the idol- worship, the
other the kalcdmoku, or king's chief councillor. These two were
the ones who controlled the government, and led its head, the
king, as they thought best. If the head of the government de-
clined to follow their advice, the government went to another,
on account of the fault of its head, that is the king. The high
priest, — kahuna o na kii} — controlled the king in matters of re-
ligion — haipule — (He was keeper of the king's conscience.) The
kalaimoku, chief councillor or prime minister, guided him in
regulating the aflfairs of administration, and in all that related
to the common people.
5. In time of war the high priest — kahuna kii — was the first
one to advise the king through his spiritual offices. The
high priest would instruct the king that it was necessary to
erect a heiau-luakini, in order that he might first Ifurn by the
services at the heiau whether it was advisable, or proper —
pono — to go to war. If the priest perceived that ii was not bcbl
to make war, he would tell the king "it is not lu'st to go to
war."
6. The high priest had many methods by which to obtain
omens for the guidance of the king; there were also many priests
under him, and each priest had a different function, tbt- whole
service, however, was under the dir<'*'tion <;f tmv prit*sl.
7. Many were the duties entrusii'<J to th<' priest midcr the
l^^gr's government, the temple-servio- <;f the liKjkiiti, (a war-
temple) and that of the kukoa'e, (a UMupU* to pr<>i>ltiati- lu'aven
for food), and the Makahiki c<'U*bration, al.v; ilu» (listrilniti(>n of
the piles of goods from the taxch ah wfll of the tjjings given
as sacrifices, the conduct of religious scTvi<<*s and thv uttering
of suitable prayers — k(m ntihau ana''^ in tlu* day <;f battle; in
fact everything that touched the worship lA tiut g<xis.
250
8. It was the duty of the high priest to urge the king most
strenuously to direct his thoughts to the gods, to worship them
without swerving, to be always obedient to their commands
with absolute sincerity and devotedness; not to be led astray by
women ; not to take up with women of low birth ; but to serve
only the gods.
9. One thing which the priest urged upon the king was to
kill off the ungodly people, those who broke tabu and ate with
the women, or who cohabited with a woman while she was con-
fined to her infirmary, and the women who intruded themselves
into the heiau.
10. Another thing he urged was that the woman who beat
tapa on a tabu day, or who went canoeing on a tabu day should
be put to death; also that the man who secretly left the service
at the temple to go home and lie with his wife should be put to
death; that the men and women who did these things, whether
from the backwoods — kuaaina — or near the court should be put
to death.
11. That any man, woman, or child, who should revile the
high priest, or a keeper of the idols, calling him a filth-eater, or
saying that he acted unseemly with women {i ka ai tnea kapu),
should be put to death, but he might ransom his life by a fine of
a fathom-long pig.
12. Again, that if the king by mistake ate of food or meat
that was ceremonially common or unclean — noa — the king
should be forgiven, but the man whose food or meat it was
should be put to death, if the king was made ill. In such a
case a human sacrifice was offered to appease the deity, that
the king might recovei from his illness.
13. Again that certain kinds of fish should be declared tabu
to the women as food, also pork, bananas and cocoanuts ; that if
any large fish — a whale — or a log strapped with iron, should be
cast ashore, it was to be offered to the gods, (i. e.. it was to be
given to the priests for the use of the king).
14. Again, in time of war the first man killed in battle, who
was termed a lehna, and the second man killed, who was termed
a Itia one J were to be offered as sacrifices to the gods.
There were a great many ceremonies and services ordered by
251
the kahuim, in order to establish the best relations with the gods,
as the kahuna averred.
15. For six months of the year the opelu might be eaten and
the aku was tabu, and was not to be eaten by chiefs or com-
moners. Then again, for other six months the aku might be
eaten, and the opelu in turn was tabu. Thus it was every year.
16. Again during the observance of Makahiki the services at
all the heiaus of the chiefs were omitted for two months and
twenty-six days ; after which all the chiefs returned and worship-
ped the idols.
17. After the aliis resumed their religious services the king
must huild a luakini, that is a large heiau. It was a common
saying that this caused a famine^ in the land, due to the fact
that the inner bark of the ohia was red. For that reason the
king after that built a mapele, it being believed that this sort of
a heiau would bring prosperity to the land, because the bark of
the latna, which was the wood used in building every mapele
heiau, was black.
18. After these heiatis were built, the king went on a tour
about the island, putting up heiaus as he went. This circuit
was called a palaloa^ Next the king made an umi o Lono, and
each of the chiefs erected an eweai, which was a heiati to bring
rain.
19. At this time a light was kept burning all night in the
house of the king while prayers^ were constantly recited to the
gods, beseeching that the misfortunes of the land might be re-
lieved and averted, that it might be cleansed from pollution, its
sins blotted out, the blight and mildew that affected it removed,
that it might be protected from decav, destruction and bar-
renness. Tlien instead one might see the shooting forth of the
buds, the weeding of the ground, the earth covered with the
growing vines, the separation of the vines from different vines
interlocking with each other as they grow together, the offering
of the first fruits to God.
20. If all these matters relating to the worship of the gods
were attended to, then the king was highly commended as a
righteous king. And when the people perceived this, they de-
voted themselves with diligence to their farms and "their fishing,
252
while the women-folk industriously beat out and printed their
tapas. Thus it was that the king worked away in the worship
of the gods year after year.
21. It was on these lines that the high priest constantly used
his authority and influence to guide the king; and when he
saw that the king followed all his instructions, he took courage,
and some day when they were conducting a service together suc-
cessfully, he ventured to beg of the king a piece of land.
22. If the people saw that a king was religiously inclined
(haipule), strict in his religious duties, that king attained great
popularity. From the most ancient times religious kings have
always been greatly esteemed.
23. From the earliest times down to the time of Kamehameha
I., not one of the kings who has subjugated under his rule an
entire island has been irreligious; every one of them has wor-
shipped the gods with faith and sincerity.
24. If the services of religion under any king were conducted
in a slack or slovenly manner, it would be the general opinion
that that government would pass into the hands of a king under
whom the services of. religion would be strictly and correctly
performed. It was firmly believed that a religious king was
possessed of mighty power, because it was matter of observation,
that kings who were attentive to their religious duties conducted
all their affairs in a becoming manner, while irreligious kings
neglected the affairs of their government.
25. There were many matters in regard to which the high
priest used his office to lead the king in such wavs as he thought
right. ' .>^'l^'
26. The high priest was a man whose father had also been
a priest. While some of the priests were of priestly parentage,
others were chosen to that office by the priest himself. The
son of a priest was not allowed to be nourished with common
food — the kalaimoku also was not allowed to be nourished with
food that was common.
27. The principal duties of the Kalaimoku' s^ office were com-
prised under two heads ; to look after the king's interests and to
look after the people's interests. The one who filled the office of
253
kalaimoku made it his first business to counsel the king in the
regulation of these two departments.
28. The Kalaimoku's manner of procedure was as follows:
He first made secret inquiries of the keepers of the genealogies —
poe kuauhau — and informed himself as to the pedigree of all
the chiefs. Because the Kalaimoku believed that the king was
to be compared to a house. A house indeed stands of itself, but
its pa, or stockade, is its defence. So it was with the king; the
chiefs below him and the common people throughout the whole
country were his defence.
29. The office of an independent king {Alii ai moku, literally
one who eats, or rules over, an island) was established on the
following basis: He being the house, his younger brothers bom
of the same parents, and those who were called fathers or
mothers (uncles and aunts) through relationship to his own
father or mother, formed the stockade that stood as a defence
about him.
30. Another wall of defence about the king, in addition to
his brothers, were his own sisters, those of the same blood as
himself. These were people of authority and held important
offices in the king's government. One was his kuhina nuij or
prime minister, others generals (pu-kana), captains alihi-
kaua), marshals {ilamuku)^ the king's executive officers, to car-
ry out his commands.
31*. Again the king's uncles and aunts and the male and
female cousins of his immediate line also formed part of this
wall of defence.
32. Besides this the king's own brothers-in-law, the husbands
of his sisters or of his cousins, also constituted a part of this
defence about him.
33. The distant relatives of the king's parents and grand-
parents also were a protection and re-enforcement to his strength.
34. A Hale Nana" was then built for the king, and when
this was accomplished an investigation was entered into at the
house as to what persons were related to the king. The doings
at the house were conducted in the following manner. When
the king had entered the house and taken his seat, in the midst of
a large assembly of people including many skilled genealogists,
254
two guards were posted outside at the gate of the pa, (The
guards were called kaiknono,)
35. When any one presented himself for admission to the
Hale Nana, or king's house, the guards called out "here comes
So-and-so about to enter." Thereupon the company within
called out, "From whom are you descended, Mr. So-and-so
Naua? Who >Yas your father Naua? Who was your father
Naua?" To this the man made answer, "I am descended from
So-and-so; such and such a one is mv father."
36. The question was then put to the man, "Who was your
father's father, Naua?" and the man answered, "Such an one
was my father's father, he was my grand-father." "Who was
the father of your grand-father, Naua ?" and the man answered
"Such an one was my grand father's father." Thus they con-,
tinned to question him until they reached in their inquiry the
man's tenth ancestor.
37. If the genealogists who were sitting with the king
recognized a suitable relationship to exist between the ancestry
of the candidate and that of the king he was approved of.
38. When another candidate arrived the outside guards
again called out, "Here enters such an one." Thereupon those
sitting with the king in a loud tone made their inquiries as to
the ancestry on the mother's side. "Who was your mother?
Naua?" And the man answered, "I am descended from such
an one; So-and-so was my mother." Again the question was
put to him, "Who was the mother of your mother? Naua?
Whereupon he answered, "Such a person was my grand-mother.
39. The questions were kept up in this manner until they had
come to the tenth ancestor in their inquiry. When the genealo-
gists had satisfied themselves as to the closeness of the man's
pedigree to that of the king, special inquiries having been made
as to his grand-father and grand-mother, the candidate was
approved of.
40. On the satisfactory conclusion of this investigation the
the commoner, or chief, was admitted as a member of the Hale
Naua, another name for which was Ualo malieJ
41. In this way they learned who were closely related to the
king, who also were in his direct line, as well as the relative
rank of the aliis to each other and to the king.
255
42. A plan was then made as to what office the king
should give to one and another chief or commoner who were re-
lated to him.
43. To the chiefs that were his near relations the king
assigned districts; to others kalanas, okanas, pokos, ahupuaas
and His.
44. To the commoners were given such small sections of
land as the ahtipuaa, or the Hi,
45. The heavy work on the lands fell to the chiefs and their
men, to the makaainana. The king did no work; his food was
brought to him cooked. It was a rare thing for an alii to
engage in agriculture.
46. One thing which the Kalaimoku impressed apon the
king was to protect the property of the chiefs as well as that of
the common people; not to rob them, not to appropriate wan-
tonly the crops of the common people.
47. If the king made a tour about the island, when night
fell, the proper thing for him to do was to camp down by the
highway, and the next morning to proceed on his journey. It
was not right for him to enter the house of a commoner to pass
the night; that was all wrong and was termed alaiki, the short
way.
48. The wrong lay in the fact that when the king entered
the house of a common man his men entered with him. They
ate of the commoner's food, helped themselves to his goods, se-
duced or ravished the females, acted disgracefully, and raised
the devil generally.
49. Their counsel to the king was that when, in travelling
along the alaloa, he came to a branch-road, he was not to follow
the branch, because that was a bad practice. The branch-road
was called a mooa, or a meheu, {Mooa, a bending of the grass ;
nieheu, a trail, a trace.)
50. The evil lay in the fact that when the king left the
beaten way, the people followed along with him. The path led
probably to a little farm — ma]iina ai — and as soon as the king's
men saw it they pulled the crops, helping themselves to the
sugar-cane, etc., and the blame for the outrage fell upon the
king.
256
51. Another reason why the king should not turn aside to
follow a by-path was because it might lead to a house where
women were beating tapa — hale kuku — and if the king's men
found her to be a handsome looking woman, they might ravish
her, in which case the king would be blamed for the deed.
52. The proper course for the king was to camp at night
by the highway. If the people put up a house for him, well and
good. If not, let his own retinue set up for him a tent, and
let him eat the food he brought with him. The king who would
follow this plan would not have to issue any orders to the dis-
tricts for food; he would be called a king of superior wisdom.
(Alii noeaii loa), a prudent king.
53. Again when the king went on a canoe-voyage around
the island, he should not let his canoes tack back and forth, off
and on, in towards the land arid out to sea again, lest, by so
doing, they should come across a fleet of fishing canoes, and the
fishermen, being robbed of their fish, should lay the blame upon
the king.
54. The right plan in sailing would be to keep the canoe
on a straight course from the cape just passed to the one ahead,
and when that was doubled to steer directly for the next cape,
and so on until the destination was reached.
55. When the people bring presents of food to the king,
the best course for him to pursue is to eat of the food then and
there, so as to make it easy for the people. It were a wise
thing for the king to invite all of the people to partake of the
food, that they might not go away fasting.
56. The king might well take as his own the ahupuaas on the
borders of the districts, such an one, for instance, as Kaulana-
manna, on the border of Kona, and Manuka, which lies on the
border of Kau: (These were very rocky and rather sterile tracts
of country,) and when the king had found a suitable man, let
the king put the lands in his charge.
57. It would also be a wise thing for the king to keep as
his own the ahupuaas or districts in which the kauila,^ ^"^ or the
aala, or the auau^ is plentiful; together with any rocky and in-
hospitable tracts of land. He might entrust these lands into
the hands of good men to farm them for him.
257
58. It is proper for the king to make frequent circuits of
the island, that he may become well acquainted with the young
people in the out-districts, that he may be able to choose from
among them suitable ones to be taken into his train as inti-
mates (aikane)y^^ and to be brought up at court. Thus he will
increase the number of his followers.
59. It is well for the king to gather many people about him.
Both he and his queen should deal out food and meat, as well as
tapas and malos with a liberal hand. Thus he will dispose the
men to be as a shield to him in the day of battle.
The servants {kanakaY^ of the king were known under the
following designations: malalaioa,^^ uli,^^ ehu}^ kea,^^ lazva,^^
kapii}^ kae}^ kalol }^ niho-7iiauolc, puali, uha-kakau, hamohamo^
haakualiki, olu-kelo-aJio-o, kamocna, kuala-pehii, inakai, kauoe.^^
Probably other names should be added.
60. The chiefs below the king also should gather men al)out
thern, the same as the king himself; and these men should be
constantly practiced in the arts of war, with the short spear, ihe,
the long spear, pololu, the club, laau palan, the kitia, in the use
of the sling, ka-ala, in boxing and in the practice of temperance.^^
61. If the Kalaimoku should see that the king's j>eople were
becoming stout, so as to be clumsy, he would urge the king
to have the men run races, roll the maika, practice the game
called pahee, drink awa, go to where food was scarce, in order
to reduce their flesh.i*^
62. The largest districts were not generally assigned to the
highest chiefs, lest they might thus be enabled to rebel against
the government. Kamehameha I.', however, entrusted the largest
districts to his highest chiefs.
63. It was the practice for kings to build store-houses in
which to collect food, fish, tapas, malos, pa-us, and all sorts of
goods.
64. These store-houses were designed by the Kalaimoku as
a means of keeping the people contented, so they would not de-
sert the king. They were like the baskets that were used to en-
trap the hinalea fish. The hinalea thought there was something
good within the basket, and he hung round the outside of it. In
the same way the people thought there was food in the store-
houses, and they kept their eyes on the king.
258
65. As the rat will not desert the pantry (kumu-hakay^
where he thinks food is, so the people will not desert the king
while they think there is food in his store-house.
66. The king had the right to select for himself fleet run-
ners, men to paddle his canoes, canoe-makers, and spies to keep
watch of the law-breakers and criminals in all parts of the
land.
67. It is the king's duty to seek the welfare of the common
people, because they constitute the body politic. Many kings have
been put to death by the people because of their oppression of
the makaainana,
68. The following kings lost their lives on account of their
cruel exactions on the commoners: KoihaIa>^ was put to death
in Kau, for which reason the district of Kau was called the
weir, (Makaha.)
69. Koha-i-ka-lant^^ was an alii who was violently put to
death in Kau. Halaea was a king who was killed in Kau. Ehu-
nui-kai-malino was an alii who was secretly put out of the way
by the fishermen in Keahuolu in Kona. Kamaiole was a king
who was assassinated by Kalapana at Anaehoomalu in Kona.
70. King Hakau was put to death by the hand of Umi at
Waipio valley in Hamakua, Hawaii. Lono-i-ka-makahiki, was
a king who was banished by the people of Kona. Umi-o-ka-lani
also was a king who was banished by the Konaites.
71. It was for this reason that some of the ancient kings had
a wholesome fear of the people. But the commoners were sure
to be defeated when the king had right on his side.
y2. In every district, okana, and poko, certain pieces of land,
called koele, were set apart for the king. The pigs in these lands
had their ears mutilated in a certain fashion to designate them
as belonging to the king.
73. It was to these lands that the king looked for his sup-
ply of i>ork and not to the common people. But some of the
kings seized the pigs belonging to other people and appropriated
them to their own uses.
74. In the same way the kings sometimes appropriated the
fruits of the people's farms. The makaainana were not pleased
with this sort of conduct on the part of the king. They looked
upon such work as acts of tyranny and abuse of authority.
259
75- The kalaimoku did not usually live with the king, but
quite apart from him. If he wished to speak with the king he
went to the king's hale manaiva, whence he sent a message to
the king by the king's lomi-lomi, requesting an interview. On
the arrival of the king their interview was kept entirely private.
This secret consultation was called kuka main, and when it was
over each one went his way.
76. If the lesser aliis desired to consult with the king on
some important affair of government, it might be war, the king
would send a message to the kalaimoku to come and hold a
privy council with him ; and, having given attention to what they
had to say, the king dismissed them.
77. When the king met the whole body of his chiefs in con-
ference it was his custom to give close attention to what each
one had to say ; and if he perceived that the counsel of any one
of them agreed with that which his Kalaimokus had given him
in secret, he openly expressed his approval of it.
78. If, however, the king saw that what the chiefs advised
was in disagreement with the counsels of his Kalaimokus, given
him in secret, he openly expressed his disapproval. This was
the manner in which the assembly, — parliament of the chiefs*^
{aha olelo fia 'Hi) conducted their deliberations.
79. The kalaimokus were well versed in the principles of waiv
fare. They knew how to set a battle in order, how to conduct it
aright, how to adapt the order of battle to the ground.
80. If the battle-field was a plain, level and unbroken, (malae-
lac) the order of battle suitable was that called kahulni}^ If it
was a plain covered with scrub, the proper order of battle would
be the niakawaluy^
81. The Kalaimokus were also acquainted with the famous in-
stances in which ambuscade (poi-po) had been used; what sort
of a terrain was suited to the battle-order called kukiilUy^^ to that
called kapae/^^ and to that called moemoe.^^
82. The kalaimokus were versed in all the manoeuvres of bat-
tle. They were called kaakana,^^ defenders, also lau-aua,^^ strat-
egists.
83. A small army or body of men should not be marshalled
or brought into battle in the makazvalu-ordev of battle, nor in
the kahului.^^
26o
A small force which would not be able to stand before a force
of larger size in a battle by day, might be able to make its escape
if the battle were at night.
84. In making the dispositions for battle, the vanguard was
composed of a small body of men and w^as called huna-lewar^ A
larger body was placed to their rear, which was called huna-paa.
85. To the rear of them were stationed the xvaakaua,^'^ the
pu-ulii'kaua,^^ the papa-kaua,'^''* and the poc kaita.^^^ The king
took his station in the midst of the poe kaiia. Immediately in
front of the body of soldiery that surrounded the king were sta-
tioned several ranks of men, armed with a long spear called a
pololu. Now the pololu was called a powerful weapon of defense,
a kuati paa.
86. The king stood in the midst of the poe kaua, with his wife,
his ^i7a/-gods, and his dearest friends. But if the order of
battle was the rnakazvalu the king would be stationed in the midst
of the huna-pa'a,
87. When the forces were in position the kilo-lani, or astrolo-
ger, was sent for, and on his arrival the king asked him what
he thought about the battle. Thereupon the astrologer made a
study of the heavens to see whether the indications were favor-
able for the battle.
88. If he found the appearances favorable, he said to the
king, "This is a day of clear vision (he an keia no ka la), a day
in which your enemy will be delivered into your hands for de-
feat; because," said he, "this day is apuni, a day inauspicious to
your foes.'* He thereupon urged the king strenuously to give
battle.
89. But if the kilo saw that the day was unpropitious, he
warned the king not make the battle against the other king.
90. When the armies drew near to each other, the priests
were sent for to offer sacrifices to the king's gods, for the king
himself could not offer sacrifice at such a time.
The ceremony was done in this manner : Two fires w^ere built,
one for each army, in the space between the two armies. The
pig, having been killed by strangling, was offered to the idol-
deities by the priest, the king uttering the amama. The pig was
called an umihau pig.
26l
91. When this ceremony was over the battle was beg^n. The
kalaimokus were the principal advisers of the king in the conduct
of a battle.
92. These kalaimokus were a class of people who did not care
much for luxury and display, nor for distinction, wealth, or land.
93. They had no desire for great emoluments from the king.
They were only intent on serving the king by their secret councils.
94. If the kalaimokus saw that the king had too many people
about him they led him into the wilderness where food was scarce,
that the king might be the only one supplied with food, and all
the people then would set their hearts upon the king.
95. If the kalaimokus saw that the king was eating too much
soft poi they advised against it, because hard'^ poi is better and
taro best of all to make one fleet of foot if defeated.
96. All the chiefs in the government were trained in military-
exercises until they had attained greater skill than was possessed
by any of the common people.
97. There were two great reasons why a kalaimoku had supe-
rior ability as a councillor to others. In the first place, they were in-
structed in the traditional wisdom of former kalaimokus, and in
the second place their whole lives were spent with kings. When
one king died, they lived with his successor until his death, and
so on. Thus they became well acquainted with the methods
adopted by different kings, also with those used by the kings of
ancient times.
98. Some of those who were skilled in the art of government
were people from the back countr}'. For while li\nng in the
outer districts thev had been close students of the wavs of some
of the kings and had become thoroughly acquainted with them.
The people of the country districts were really shrewd critics of
the faults as well as the virtues of the kings.
99. If the common jjeople after observing a king, disapproved
of him, it was because he was really bad: but if, after studving
him, they believed in him, it proved him to be a good man.
100. Great fault was found with a king who was a sluggard,
or a pleasure-seeker, or who was contentious, used reviling lan-
guage, was greedy, oppressive, or stingy.
262
loi. The king who was gentle and quiet in- manner, con-
descending and gracious, was the king who was greatly desired
and beloved by the people.
102. Kings who were unjust in their government were not
beloved by any of their subjects ; but the king who ruled honestly
was ever regarded with affection.
103. The alii who lived an honest life had great authority
merely because he was right. The alii who slandered another
alit was convicted of wrong out of his own mouth.
104. If one king speaks evil of another king without cause,
he committs a wrong.
105. The king who lives righteously will be blameless. So it
has been from the most ancient times.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXyill.
(i) Sect. 7. Kan mihau ana, I am informed that when an army
went forth to battle a priest went on ahead bearing a branch of the
hau tree. This wa*s set upright in the ground by the priest and guarded
in that position by him as a favorable omen or sign for his side. Each
side religiously respected the emblem of the enemy, and did not in-
terfere with their mihau. So long as the branch was kept erect it
meant victory to its side. If the battle finally went? against them the
hau was allowed to fall. There was a proverbial expression "Ua puali
ka hau nui i ka hau iki.'* The great hau is broken by the small hau,
meaning the large force is defeated by the small. The kahuna who
performed this mifuiu service was in reality the chaplain of the army.
While he was doing this service on the field of battle, the great body
of the priests were in the heiau beseeching the gods by prayers and
sacrifices for victory on their side.
(i) Sect. 4. Kahuna na kii: This is not a legitimatfe expression.
The high priest is undoubtedly meant by the writer. There is, however,
no warrant in Hawaiian usage for the employment of such an expression
to designate that functionary.
(3) Sect. 17. There might well be «n famine in the land after such
a prolonged interruption of all fruitful industries and so great a misuse
of all its resources. (See sections 90-94, Chap. XXXVII.)
(4) Sect. 18. Palaloa, the same in meaning as palala, to give gifts
to the king. These gifts were not' a regular tax. But they were none
the less a burden, though supposed to be entirely voluntary offerings.
(6) Sect. 27. In spite of the somewhat ambiguous language used
by the author, a king had but one kalaimoku at a time.
(7) Sect. 34. Hale Naua: There has been much discussion over
the meaning of this word nana. It may throw some light? on the subject
263
to state that "Naua?" was the word of challenge which was addressed
to every one who presented himself for admission to this society, the
meaning of which it being a question, was, whence are you? what is your
ancestry? To this the answer might be. "Amvae piliT meaning a
relative; or it might be, "Auwahi la" meaning that the relationship
was more distant; or, if the relationship of the candidate to the king
was close and undisputed, as in case he were the king's brother, or other
near relative, he would answer, *'Pilipili ula/' referring to the red ula that
was common to the veins of each. Answer having been made, as
above indicated, the candidate was admitted, and was then put through an
examination as to his ancestry; the first question asked him being, "Owai
kou papaf" what is your line of ancestry? The candidate thereupon^
recited his ancest'ral claims in the form of a mele inoa. This mele inoa
was not a thing to be hawked about at every festival, nor to be recited
in public when tlie notion seized one to make a display of his claims.
On the contrary, it was a sacred legacy from one's ancestors, to be
recited only in the audience of one's peers. It is, therefore to be dis-
tinguished from that other mele inoa, which might be given forth in
public. The whole matter has been cheapened and made ridiculous in
modern times. The following has been communicated to me as a fragment
from a true tnele inoa belonging to Kakuhihewa, an ancient king of
Oahu, or rather to one of his descendants.
1 Aohe au e loaa i ka ui mai,
2 He ipu aholehole,
3 Na Kuhihewa, ka moi Oahu nci,
4 A Mee/ianau,
5 Mai lalo mai a luna net,
6 Moe ia Kanui-a-panee,
7 Puka o Ka-ua-kahi-a-ka-ola,
8 He akua-olclo,
9 A loaa ka I,
10 A Kukaniloko
1 I am not one to give my name to every challenger,
2 A calabash of aholehole fish, (for the king)
3 Descended from Kahuhihewa, king of this island of Oahu,
4 And from Meehanau,
5 He was the first king of his line
6 Paired with Ke-a-nui-a-panee.
7 The issue Ka-ua-kahi-a-ka-ola,
8 A god eloquent in speech.
8 To him was born tlie I,
10 At Kukaniloko
The Hale Naua is represented to have been a non-partisan, peaceful,
organization. Its purpose was to prevent bloodshed by uniting fhe chiefs
under the bonds of kinship, friendship, and rank. It was strictly an
264
aristocratic f^^ociety. The assertion made by Malo, in section 40, that' a
candidate might be a commoner as well as a chief, is in my opinion, and
in it I am supported by intelligent Hawaiian critics, entirely erroneous.
The doings of the so-called Hale Naua, instituted in the reign of King
Kalakaua, are not to be regarded as an argument to be considered in the
•question. The Hale Naua did not sit as a court to discipline or expel
its members. Once a member, always a member, was the rule. The
most perfect and decorum must be observed at all the meetings. This
canon of polit'eness was expressed in the phrase given in Seci. 40, as
another name for the Naua Society. *'Ualo malie/* the meaning of which
is the gentle entreaty. Before leaving this matter, it should be remarked
that membership in the Hale Naua was by no means ccmfined to the
relatives of the reigning family, as is implied by the statements of David
Malo. It was open to every high-rank chief of whatever line.
(5) Sect. 19. The text in the Hawaiian is as follows: " A ma ia mau
po hoa mau ia ke kukui o ko ke alii nui hale, me ka pule mau i ke
akua kii; he pule ia o holoi ana i ka poino o ka aina, ame ka pale ae
i pau ko ka aina haumia; he pule ia e hoopau ana i na hewa o ka aina
a pau ; i pau ke ae^-, me ke kawau^ ; i pau ke kulopiac, a me ka peluluka^ ;
i pau ka hulialanae; alaila nihopeku^, hoemu^, huikala^, malapakai^,
kamauli hou i ke akua.*'J There is much difficulty in making out the mean-
ing of this passage. By some it is regarded as having a figurative mean-
ing, to be taken in a spiritual sense. I prefer to fake it literally as
referring to the crops, (a) Looked at it in this light, ae means blight:
Mawau means mildew, mould: (c) kulopia means decay, a condition
worse than the one before mentioned: (d) peluluka a still worse
condition, destruction of the entire crop by decay: (e) hulialana
represents the resulting barrenness of the fields. Now comes fhe con-
trasting description of a luxuriant harvest, (f) nihopeku, the bud shooting
from the soil like a tooth from the gum: (g) hocmu, the weeding of
the tender plants: (h) huikala, the ground is covered with the herbage,
leaves and vines: (i) malapakai, the interlacing vines have to be
separated and turned back to their own hills, so rank is the growth:
(j) kamauli hou i ke akua, the prayer being answered, and an abundant
crop secured, the first fruits of the land are offered as a thank-offering
to God.
(8) Sect. 34. I am informed that the two outer guards were called
kaikuonc. The head of the hale naua, the king, was styled Ikulav.i.
I am also informed (by J. K. K.) that there were four officers called
ulualono, who acted as kuauhau, or keepers of the chronologies. They
were also called the kakaolelo. The same one also says that when a
candidate was introduced an officer called an uluamahi threw at him an
ipuaho, which was nothing more or less than an ornamental ball of
twine If this struck the candidate squarely, it was a sign that he was
worthy. It is clear that the ideas of J. K. K. are too much influenced by
the hale naua which Kalakaua founded.
265
(9) Sect. 57. AuQU, the straight light' poles of the haii. These
Avere very useful in training men in the spear practice. The head of
the spear was blunted and wrapped with tapa to make its impact
Tiarmless. The young soldiers began practice with these. When they
had acquired skill and proficiency with these harmless weapons, they
were allowed to try their hand at the heavy, sharp-pointed, kauila spears,
which were those used in battle.
(9%) Sect. 57. Kauila. The Kauila was a famous wood for spears;
its color like that of mahogany. Aala is said to be fragrant. Perhaps the
Ala-a is the tree in question. Auau was a tree specially useful for the
-alios or small poles that it furnished.
(10) Sect. 58. The aikane meant primarily a male intimate of the
most disreputable sort, but it came to mean also a male friend in a
respectable sense. I take it that the word is used in the latter sense in
the present instance.
(11) Sect. 59. The following list of servants and people or attendants
about the king's court has fhe double disadvantage, first, of being in-
complete, confessedly so; second, of attaching itself to no principle of
classification, besides which it is merely a list of names without signi-
ficance or explanation. The following translation or explanation is given
as the best I can do towards elucidating the subject.
Malalaioa, people who had acquired skill in any trade or occupation.
It probably did not include soldiers, though it is claimed by some that
it did.
Uli, people with straight black hair. Black was the acceptable color
for hair.
Ehu. Persons with reddish or blond hair were not considered so
comely as the former and were not retained about court. Though they
might be employed about the menial offices, such as making ovens and
cooking food.
Kea, a, class of persons with unusually light skins. They were
favorites, much desired at court.
Lawa, a name applied to a class of men of great strength. It was
said that there was but a slight interval between their ribs and their
hips.
Kapii. Persons with curly hair. These were regarded as strong
bodied and were greatly desired in this regard.
Kae. This was a term applied to the old and worn-out.
Kalole. Persons who were stupid and inefficient. They could not
get married because they could not support a wife.
AHho mauole, persons of either sex who had outlived their usefulness.
So named from the loss of most of their teeth.
Puali. This applied to soldiers. They were tightly belted with the
malo which they wore rather higher than was the ctistom among the
common people. Hence the name puali, cut in two, from the smallness
of the waist. It was regarded as a sign of readiness for any enterprise
266
to have the nialo tightly girded about one. The expression was ^'ku
ka puali o mca," such an one has his loins girded, he's ready for the
fight.
Uha-kakau This is probably a wrong orthography, and should be
uhaheke. The meaning is with thighs bent, consequently on the alert.
They are contrasted with those who squat down on the ground. They
generally carried some weapon concealed about them.
Hamohamo, I am told (by Kapule) that in Muolea, in the district
of Hana, grew a poisonous moss in a certain pool or pond close to the
ocean. It was used to smear on the spear-points to make them fatal.
These men were the ones who did the job, hence they were called
hamohamo, the smearers. This moss is said to be of a reddish
color and is still to be found. It grows nowhere else than at that
one spot. Kapule thinks it was about the year 1857 that he was in
Hana and saw this moss. It was shown him by an old man named
Peelua, the father-in-law of S. M. Kamakau. This is a revelation and
a great surprise to me. I never heard of such a thing before. Manu
covered it with stones.
Haa-kua-liki. The meaning is probably the same as the word haa-
kua~lii, which is a later form. This class of people were dwarfish in
figure, but of great strength and approved valor.
Olukeloa-hoo-kaa-moena. These were those who were highly skilled
in the art of lua and haihai, in which wrestling, bone-breaking and
dislocating joints were combined in one art. They were a very important
part of the army.
Kuala-pehu. These were men who were very powerful with the
fist. Th6y fought with the naked fist. Extravagant statements are, of
course, made of their prowess.
Maka-i. Persons who were skilled detectives, who were quick to
interpret detective signs. They were valuable as spies.
Ka'u-o. Probably the same as ka'u-koe, persons who went as spies
into fhe enemies' country. They carried no weapons with them. Ka'u
meant fearful, unwilling; koe meant requested, bidden; persons therefore
who went reluctantly, and only because they were commanded.
(12) Sect. 60. The the was a spear to be thrown from the hand.
According to my present informant, who is a very int'elligent man from
Molokai, fhe ihe was a long spear. A spear in my collection, which
measures about 12^/^ feet is, he says, an ihe to be thrown.
The pololu was a spear of less length than the ihe and was not
to leave the hand. If was generally wielded with both hands. It was
generally a little longer than the man.
The laau palau was a club of various length, a yard or a fathom. It
of course was intended to remain in the hand.
The kuia was a short sharp pointed stick, a dagger. It might be
carried thrust into the girdle.
267
Ka ala meant to sling. It was a very important weapon in warfare.
(The Molokai man was certainly mistaken. The long spear was the
polulu, the short spear or javeHn was the ihe. See Sect. 60 and Sect. 85,
above. W. D. A.)
(13) Sect. 6i. Awa drinking is not known to be an efficient means
of reducing fhe flesh. No wise stateman, kalai-moku, even in ancient
times would be likely to give such a foolish piece of advice as this.
(14) Sect. 65. The kumuhaka was a shelf on which to keep provisions.
It was either suspended by cords, or supported on legs.
(15) Sect. 68. Koihala. I have two different statements in regard
tb this king. Which of them, or whether either, is correct, I know not.
One of them is that Koihala was the successor to Keoua in Kau, who was
the opponent of Kamehameha I., and was murdered at Kawaihae with
the conqueror's connivance. According to that account the works with
which he made fhe people of Kau to sweat and groan were the building
of the heavy stone-walls about several fish ponds, of which are mentioned
those at the coast of Hilea, at Honuapo, and Ninole. He also robbed
the fishermen of their fish. The story is that he compelled his canoe-
men to paddle him about here and fhere where the fleets of fishing canoes
were. The wind was bleak and his men suffered from the wet and
cold, he being snugly housed in the pola. One day he had his men take
his canoe out towards the South cape where was a fleet of fishing canoes.
His own canoe, being filled with the spoils of his robbery, began to sink,,
and he called out for help. The fishermen declined all assistance; his
own men left him and swam to the canoes of the fishers leaving him
entirely in the lurch. He was drowned.
The other account represents him as a king of the ancient times. Where-
lies the truth of history in regard to this man, I am at a loss to say.
(16) Sect. 69. Koha-i-ka-lani. The account I have of this king is
that he kept his people ground down by hard work. It is said that he
would start his people off on a long tramp into the mountains fo cut
ohia timber for images; and before the work was done he ordered them
at the work of carving stone images in some other direction. But no
sooner had they got settled to the new job than he sent them back
to finish their uncompleted work in the mountains. Finally he set off
on a tour with all his wives and retinue, and ordered the serfs, his
common people, to meet him at a specified place with a supply of food.
When the people came to the appointed place with their burdens of
food the king and his party were not there; they had moved on and
the king had left word directing the people to carry the food to a
place many miles distant. On arriving at the place now indicated the
people, who had been smarting under the affliction, found themselves
again ordered to bear their heavy loads to a place many hours* journej
distant. Their patience was now exhausted. They consumed the food,
fi.lled the bundles with stones and on arriving at length in the presence
of the king, witb feigned humility laid the bundles at the king's feet.
268
But when the bundles were opened the man that was in them broke
forth. The king and his court were killed and covered under the stones.
(Both of the above traditions are given by M. Jules Remy, in his **Recits
d'un Vieux Sauvage." They are undoubtedly very ancient.) W. D. A.
(17) Sect. 78. Aha olelo na 'Hi. Very little is known about this
aha olelo na 'Hi more than this statement. There is no doubt, how-
ever, but' what the king did consult with his chiefs as to certain import-
ant matters of policy, perhaps as to the waging of war. But the latter
was more likely decided by the King in consultation with his Kalaimoku.
(18) Sect. 80. Kahplui. The Kahului was a disposition or order
of battle, in which the main body of the soldiers were drawn up in the
form of a crescent, with the horns pointing forwards. This name was,
undoubtedly derived from the place of the same name. The region of
Kahului was flat and treeless.
(19) Sect. 80. ' Makaivalu, an order of battle in which the soldiers
were irregularly grouped into bands or companies to suit the ground.
(20) Sect. 81. The Kukulu was a battle in which the opposing forces
were formally drawn up in line against each other. It is said that in
such cases the opposing forces would consult each other's convenience
as to fhe time for beginning the action; and it was even postponed
to accomodate one or the other. This reminds of the days of chivalry
when men fought for ''Honour" when the captain of one side would
step to the front, and, adressing the other side, say "Are you ready,
i^ent'lemen ?" and, being answered in the affirmative, turning to his
own men, said ^'Prepare to Fire.." *'Fire !"
(21) Sect. 81. Kapae was not an order of battle, but a truce, or
cessation of hostilities. It might be found out, for instance, there being
no urgent" reason for battle, that the two forces were led perhaps by
men who were near relatives, or who had been at one time great
friends; or, after a prolonged and bloody contest, in which the two
forces were proven to be so nearly equal in strength and valor that neither
party could hope for victory, prudence and a more reasonable view of
things suggested the desirability of bringing the trial of strength and
endurance to a close. In such a case there would be a general shaking
of hands — the right hand, as with us, or both hands, might be used, if
there was strong emotion, sometimes embracing and touching noses,
though that was not the general custom.
(The custom of shaking hands was first introduced here by white men,
in modern times.) W. D. A.
{22) Sect. 81. Moemoe, a night attack.. The Hawalians were not'
given to placing sentinels and keeping watch at night in their military
campaigns in ancient times. Possibly Kamehameha followed a stricter
rule in t'his regard, for which reason a night attack must have proved
very successful when it was tried.
269
(2^) Sect. 82. Kaakaua is said also to mean one who stinnilated
the men to brave deeds and enthusiasm by gesticulations and shouts,
especially perhaps by brandishing or twirling a spear in the front of
battle. Such actions were as legitimate as one of Napoleon's war pro-
clamations.
(24) Sect. 82. Lau-aua also means one who concealed his strength
or skill until the time of battle. Is not that strategy? To hide one's
power from one's enemies, even if one's friends are kept in the dark at
the same time, what is that but strategy?
(25) Sect. 83. A sound observation. Naturally it would not do to
divide a small force, as would be done in makawalu, nor to draw up such
a force in the form of a crescent, as in kahului.
(26) Sect. 84. The huna-lewa were what might be called the skirmish-
ers, those furthest in the advance and who were in very open order.
(27) Sect. 85. Waa-kaua. In this an army was formed into bodies of
men numbering perhaps 1000 each.
(28) Sect. 85. Puulu-kaua, a close body, a phalanx.
(29) Sect. 85. Papa-kaua, probably a body of picked men, chiefs
and men of rank, who were armed with the pololu. which was probably
fhe best offensive as well as defensive weapon employed by the Hawaii-
ans. It seems probable to me that these were the men who surrounded
the king, and I am informed that such was the case.
(30) Sect'. 85. Poe kaua, said to be the half-trained, light-armed
soldiers.
(31) Sect. 95. In order fo make sense out of what would otherwise
be an evidently foolish passage, I have found it necessary to substitute
soft for hard, and hard for soft, poi, in this passage.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
AGRICULTURE.
1. Agriculture was a matter of great importance in Hawaii,
because by it a man obtained the means of supporting himself
and his wife, his children, friends and domestic animals. It was
associated, however, with the worship of idols.
2. In the Hawaiian Islands agriculture was conducted differ-
ently on lands where there were streams of water and on dry
lands. On lands supplied with running water agriculture w^as
easy and could be carried on at all times, and the only reason
for a scarcity of food among the people on such lands was idle-
270
ncss. Sometimes, however, the water-supply failed; but the
drought did not last long.
3. On the kula^ lands farming was a laborious occtipation and
called for great patience, being attended with many drawbacks.
On some of these were grubs, or caterpillars, or blight, hauoki,
(frost), or kahe, (freshets), or the sun was too scorching; besides
which there were many other hindrances.
4. On the irrigated lands wet patches were planted with
kalo (taro, the Arum esculentum, or Colocasia antiquorum of the
botanists.) Banks of earth were first raised about the patch and
beaten hard, after which water was let in, and when this had be-
come nearly dry, the four banks were re-enforced with stones,
coconut leaves and sugar-cane tops, until they were water-tight.
Then the soil in the patch was broken up, water let in again, and
the earth was well mixed and trampled with the feet.^
5. A line was then stretched to mark the rows, after which the
hiili, or taro-tops, were planted in the rows. Sometimes the
planting was done without the rows being lined in. Water was
then constantly kept running into the patch. The first two leaves
appear called laupai; the taro attains full size, but it is not until
twelve months are past that the tubers are ripe and ready to be
made into food.
6. If potatoes were to be planted, the field was furrowed and
water let in, after which the potato-stalks were set out, or, it
might be, bananas, yams, or some other things.
7. When the land has become dry after the first watering,
water is turned on again.^ The plants are kept weeded out and
hilled, and water is turned on from time to time for six months,
by which time the potatoes are ripe and fit for food. Such is the
cultivation of all irrigable lands.
8. The cultivation of kula lands is quite different from that
of irrigable lands. The farmer merely cleared of weeds as much
land as he thought would suffice. If he was to plant taro (up-
land taro), he dug holes and enriched them with a mulch of ku-
kui leaves, ashes or dirt, after which he planted the taro. In some
places they simply planted without mulch or fertilizer.
9. Taro was constantly weeded until it had grown to be of
■good size, when it was fit to be made into poi or used as food in
271
some other way. It was twelve months before it was mature and
ready for pulling to be made into food.
10. If a field of potatoes* was desired, the soil was raised
into hills, in which the stems were planted; or the stems might
merely be thrust into the ground any how, and the hilling done
after the plants were grown ; the vines were also thrown back upon
the hill. In six months the potatoes were ripe. Such was the
cultivation of kula land.
11. On the kula lands the farms of the aliis were called koelc,
hakuone^ or kuakua, those of the people, mahina-ai,
12. The island of Niihau was mostly kula and the principal
crops were accordingly sweet potatoes, yams, and sugar-cane.
There were, however, some taro patches at Waiu, on the wind-
ward side, but their extent was small. The people of that island
were energetic fanners. They would clear the land and nuilch
it for many months, until the ground was thickly covered and
the mulch had rotted, after which they planted such crops as
sweet potatoes, yams, or sugar-cane.
13. There is kula land on parts of Kauai, Oahu. Mt>lokai. atui
Lanai, just as on Niihau. The chief crops of those lands an^
sweet potatoes. There is wet taro-land, however, at Maunaloi —on
Lanai — and an abundance of taro. Kahoolawo is made uj) of
kula land, and the principal vegetable is the potato, besides which
yams and sugar-cane are produced, but no taro.
14. There is ^w/a-land on parts of Maui and Hawaii. Kona
is the part of Hawaii most exposed to the sun. Rocause of tl^o
prolonged dryness of the weather they frequently snlTor frotn
famine in that district. In time of famine the people of Kona
performed religious ceremonies with great diligence, and care-
fully reckoned the months in which to plant.
15. There were different kinds of farmers. Those who really
made a business of it and worked until sun.set were called ili-pilo.
Those who kept at it for only a short time and did not do nuich
at it were called ili-helo, (dry skin.)
16. Some husbandmen were provident of the food which they
raised, while others wasted it. Those who raised an abundance
of food, but used it improvidently, soon came to want because of
their wastefulness.
272
17- The farmer who raised but little, but was economical in
the use of his food did not soon come to want. Those who were
economical in the use of their food were nicknamed hoopi —
stingy ; they did not often come to want.
18. One reason why people soon ran out of food was be-
cause they planted it all at once, so that when it ripened it ripened
all at one time. While they were eating of one part another
part also was ripe, so they invited their neighbors to help them-
selves to the food. This was one of the causes why some speed-
ily came to want.
19. Some farmers did not plant a great deal at a time. They
would plant a little now, and, after waiting a few months, they
planted more land. So they continued to plant a little at a time
during the months suitable for planting. The food did not all
ripen at once, and by this plan the supply was kept up for a
long time, and they had no lack of food. The necessity of fur-
nishing food to the landlord was a reason for not taxing the
land, and it was a means of averting famine from the farmers.
Food was a child to be cared for, and it required great care
20. Farmers were well acquainted with the seasons, the dry
and the rainy season, the months suitable for planting potatoes,
and those suitable for planting taro.
21. It was the custom with all farmers, when a crop of food
has ripened, to peform a religious service to the gods. Those
who worshipped Ku built their tire during the taint period of Ku ;
those who worshipped Kane, built the fire during the tabu of
Kane. If Lono was the god they worshipped, they built the fire
on his day, and if Kanaloa was their God they built the fire in
Kaloa.
22. While they were rubbing for fire and kindling it, no noise
or disturbance must be made, but this tabu was removed so soon
as fire was obtained. The contents of the oven were made up
of vegetables and some sort of meat or fish as well.
23. When the food was cooked, the whole company were
seated in a circle, the food was divided out and each man's por-
tion was placed before him. Then the idol was brought forth and
set in the midst of them all, and about its neck was hung the ipu
o Lono. (See Chap XXIV, Sec. 5.)
273
24- Then the kahuna took of the food and offered it to heaven
(lani), not to the idol; because it was believed that the deity was
in the heavens, and that the carved image standing before them all
was only a remembrancer.
25. When the priest had offered the food all the people ate
until they were satisfied, after which what was left was returned
to the owner of it. Such was the practice among those who were
religiously inclined; but those who were without a god just ate
their food without lighting the sacrificial fire and without per-
forming any service of worship to the gods.
26. After this ceremony of fire-lighting the man's farm was
noa, and he might help himself to the food at any time without
again kindling a fire. But every time the farmer cooked an oven
of food, before eating of it, he offered to the deity a potato or a
taro, laying it on the altar, or putting it on a tree.
2y. Every farmer with a god worshipped him at all times, but
the farmers who had no gods did not worship.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXIX.
(i) Sect. 3. Kula was the name applied to such lands as were dry
and inaccessible to water except from irrigation. The greater part of
every one of the Hawaiian Islands is made up of what is called kula land.
The word kula has been adopted by the English-speaking people of the
Hawaiian Islands.
Kula, N. Z., tura, means bald. A long story is told of a man named
Tura, who was said to have been the first bald-headed man.
(2) Sect. 4. The trampling was t'o make the ground water-proof, i. e.
so that the wafer would not soak entirely away.
(3) Sect. 7. It seems unaccountable that Malo should give no descrip-
tion of, nor make direct allusion to, the method of irrigation by ditches
with the Hawaiians used with great success, and in which they displayed
not a little engineering skill. The course of old. historic irrigation canals
can still be pointed out across lands that are dry at the present day, and
that for generations have not received a supply of water from any such
source.
(yi) Sect. 10. The Hawaiians were not acquainted with the so-called
Irish pot'ato, which is in reality an American potato, until its introduction
bv the white man. Their potato was the sweet potato, the kumara of
Maori-land, the uala of Hawaii.
( N. B. ) Lono was the god whose benignity chiefly commended him to
the coaidence of the farmer. The great god Ku, whose name and charac-
ter suggest a resemblance to Zeus, was also a frequent object of worship
by the same class. There were also many other gods worshipped by
farmers.
274
CHAPTER XL.
CONCERNING FISHING.
1. Fishermen, or those skilled in the art of catching fish, were
called poe lawaia. Fishing was associated with religious cere-
monies, or idolatrous worship. The heiaus or altars, at which
fishermen performed their religious ceremonies, were of a class
different from all others.
2. There were many different methods of fishing: with nets;
with hook and line ; with the pa, or troll-hook ; with the leho, or
cowry; with the hina'i, or basket; the method called ko'i;^ and
with the hand thrust into holes in the rocks.
3. The lieiau at which fishermen worshipped their patron deity
for good luck was of the kind called Ktiula;*^ but as to the gods
worshipped by fishermen, they were various and numerous — each
one worshipping the god of his choice. The articles also that
were tabued by one god were different from those tabued by
another god.
4. The god of one fisherman tabued everything that was
black, and that fisherman accordingly would not allow anything
colored black to appear in what he wore; his wife would not put
on a tapa or a pa-n that had black in it, nor have anything black
about her house. A line would be stretched about the house to
prevent anyone who was robed, or maloed or pa-ued, in black,
from entering the enclosure about their establishment. Nor would
he allow any black to appear upon his fishing tackle.
5. Turmeric was an article that was tabued by some fishing
i gods, a red earth called alaea by others. Accordingly fishermen
who looked to these gods as their patrons would not suffer the
prohibited articles to appear in the apparel of man or woman in
their family, and they stretched a line about their establishments
to keep from entering therein anyone who had these things about
them ; nor would they suffer these things to be about their tackle.
6. The gods of this craft then were of many kinds and their
tabus various; but they were all alike in the fact that they always
worshipped before going forth to fish, and in a manner appro-
priate to the kind of fish.
i
275
7- The religious ceremonies centered specially about the opelu
and aku, and were repeated at every fishing season. There were
religious rites relating to other fishes also, but they were not so
strict and rigorous as those that related to the opelu and the aku,
and this will appear from the fact that their rite formed part of
the observances of the Makahiki. (See Chap. XXXVI.) The
fish eaten during the summer months of Kau were different as to
kind from those eaten during the winter, Hooilo. During Kau
the opelu was taken and used for food, during Hooilo the aku —
bonito or albieore.
8. In the month of Hina'iaeleele (corresponding to July) they
took the opelu by means of the kaili^ net and used it for food.
The aku was then made tabu, and no man, be he commoner or
alii, might eat of the aku; and if any chief or commoner was
detected in so doing he was put to death. The opelu was free
and might be used as food until the month of Kaelo or January.
9. Kaelo was the month in which was performed the cere-
mony of plucking out and eating the eye of the aku. (Chap.
XXXVI: 75.) After that was done the aku might be eaten and
the opelu in its turn became tabu and might not be eaten, save
under pain of death.
10. Before starting out to fish for the opelu the fishermen
would assemble at the kuula heiau in the evening, bringing with
them their nets, of the sort called aei, pigs, bananas, coconuts,
poi, and 'their sleeping apparel, that they might spend the night
and worship the god of fishing.
11. While engaged in this ceremony all the people sat in
a circle, and the kahuna, bringing a dish of water that had in it a
coarse sea-moss, limu kola, and turmeric, stood in their midst and
uttered a prayer for purification (pule huikala). At the close
of the service the kahuna called out,
Hemu^ Ota.
Defend us from them.
The people responded:
Hemu.
Defend us.
276
The priest said:
Hemu na moe inoino, 11a moemoea,
na punohiinohu,^ na hanmia,
Hemu oia.
Save us from night-mare, from bad-luck-dreams,
from omens of ill.
From such deliver us.
The people responded :
Hemu !
Defend us !
The priest said :
Elieli!
Speedily and entirely!
The people responded :
Noa !
It is free!
The priest said :
la c!
Oh, la !
The people responded :
Noa honua.
Freedom complete, absolute.
With this the ceremony of purification was ended.
12. All the people slept that night about the sanctuary (imua).
It was strictly forbidden for any one to sneak away secretly to
his own house to lie with his wife. They had to spend that
night at the sanctuary' in the observance of tabu.
13. When this service was performed the canoes could put to
sea, and the pigs were then laid into the ovens for baking. On
the return of the men with their fish, the kahunas having offered
prayer, the pork, bananas, coconuts and vegetables were laid
upon the Jele, and the function of the kahuna was ended.
14. After that the people feasted themselves on the food and
religious services were discontinued by express command (papa),
because the prayers had been repeated and the whole business
was fioa, fishing was now free to all.
15. Thus it was that fishermen, whether those who took the
aku with the troll-hook, the pa, or those who used nets, performed
V7
their ceremonies of worship. But the godless, i. e., the irre-
Hgious or skeptical ones went to their fishing without any re-
ligious ceremony whatever.
1 6. There was a great variety of implements, apparatus and
methods employed by fishermen ; large nets and small nets, large
baskets and small baskets ; some used nets and some used hooks.
Those who used nets sometimes dived under water with them
while fishing, but those who used hooks did not dive, unless to
clear the hook when it had caught in the reef, and then only if
the water was shallow.
17. The following kinds of fish-nets were used: the papOr
hului, to surround a school of fish, in conjunction with a net
called au-mai-ewa,^ the aulau, the pakuikui, the papa^olewalnva,
the laau melomelo and possibly the kahekahe:
18. Of nets there was also the kupo,^ the ka-zvaa, the kuu,
the aei, the pouono, the akiikii, the lu'elu'e, the kaihi, the hono-
malolo, the hano-iao, the ka^eohna, the kaeepaoo, the kaili, the
pahu, and the haoa-puhi. Then there was lauma upalupalu (or
ordinary angling), and the iipena uluulu,
19. Of arrangements of fish-hooks, there was the kaka}^
used in taking the ahi, the kahala, the method called kukaula, the
hihc'e, the hi-aku, the ka-mokoi, the ku-mano, laivaia-palu, the
haoa-puhi, and lawaia-upapalu.
20. Of methods of basket fishing there were the kola basket,
the eel basket, the hinai-houluulu,^^ the basket for taking hinalea,
the kazva'a basket, the pa'iohua basket, and the pa'i-o'opu. Prob-
ably some of the baskets have failed of mention.
21. Some fish were taken by diving for them. Of such were
the turtle, the lobster, the manini, the kala, and others for which
the fishermen dived when they saw them entering holes in the
rocks.
22. There were some who engaged in fishing on a large scadfe,
and were called Lawaia nui, while those who worked on a small
scale were called Icnvaia liilii.
23. The professional fisherman, who worked on a large scale
and was in comfortable circumstances, carried such tackle as
hooks, lines, etc., in a calabash or ipu, (the full name of which is
ipu-holoholona) , while the petty fisherman who worked on a
278
small scale, carried his tucked away in the bight or knot (hipu'u)
of his malo, and such fishermen were called lazwda'pola-malo.
24. The name ko'a or ko'a-lawaia was applied to certain places
in the deep sea where fish haunted. Thus the place where the
ahi were wont to be found was called a ko'a-ahi, and that where
the aku or the kahala or opelu were to be found, was called a
ko'a-aku or a ko'a-kahala or a ko'a-opelu, and so on.
25. These ko'a-lawaia were so deep under water that the eye
failed to perceive them, nor could the fish be seen when swim-
ming over them, nor when they seized the hook. In order to
find them it was necessary to take one's bearings from the land.
Two bearings were required, and where these were found to in-
tersect, there was the ko'a, and there the fisherman let down his
hook or his net.
26. When the fish took the hook, a quiver ran along the line
and was communicated to the hand of the fisherman, whereupon
he at once pulled in the line. Such was deep sea fishing.
27. When the fish were in shoal water their presence could
be detected, if it were a sandy bottom. Among the fishes that
haunted waters with a sandy bottom were the weke, oio, welea,
akule, and many other kinds of fish.
28. If it was on a bank that the fish were seen, then they were
probably of the kind known as ma'oma'o or palapala.
29. Some fish played about on the surface of the water, as
did the flying fish, ntalolo, the puhikii, ua'u, iheihe, keke'e, alia,
and many others.
30. Some kinds of fish haunted caverns and holes, as did
the shark, eel, lobster, squid and many others. There were fisher-
men who took every kind of fish except the whale ; that was not
taken by Hawaiian fishermen.
• ► • •
. .• ..J % . . . ^-^
i ' NOTES TO CHAPTER XL.
(1) Sect. 2. Koi': This was a method of fishing in which a long,
stiff pole was usel, with a strong line and hook attached. The hook was
baited by preference with a tough fish such as the paoo. The baited
hook was then drawn back and forth over the surface of the water to
attract the prey. From this word comes no doubt the familiar word
mokoi', to angle with pole, hook and line.
(2) Sect. 3. Kuula: this was generally a mere rude pile of stones,
often placed on a promontory or elevation overlooking the sea. Coral
or some sort of limestone was preferred to any other variety of stone.
279
The altar itself was commonly called a ko'a, Kuula beii^ the name of
the chief patron deity of fishermen. The number of gods and godlings
worshipped by fishermen is too numerous for mention.
Remark, Altars of stone were erected and visible until a recent date
at Maliko, Honuaula, Oloalu. and Kaupo on Maui; on the island of Ka-
hoolawe; at Kaena and Kaohai on Lanai; at Waimea, Ka-lae-o-ka-oio,
Kua-loa and Waimanalo on Oahu; at Hanalei, Mana, and Moloaa on
Kauai ; and at very many other places. A notable place was at the prom-
ontory south-east of Waimea, Oahu.
(3) Sect. 8. KaUi: a name applied to the fine-moufhed net used for
taking the opelu. It was also called aei. The mouth of the net was kept
open by means of two sticks of the elastic ulei wood. After the net had
been let down under water, its mouth was made round by means of two
lines that were attached to the ends of the sticks. On pulling these lines
the sticks were bent, and the mouth of the net was drawn into a circular
form.
(4) Sect. 5. Alaea; the Hawaiian word shows the loss of consonants.
The Tahitian word is araca, the Maori, Karamea.
(5) Sect. II. Punohunohu: clouds, especially the bright piled up
clouds seen in early morning, which were looked upon as ominous of
something.
(6) Sect. II. This prayer is very similar to that given in Chapter
XXVII, Sect. 13, and it seems to me that "He mu" should be written
here as two separate words, as it is in that passage. Its meaning is di&»
cussed in the note (No. 5) following that chapter. See also Chapter
XXXVII, Sect. 30, note B. W. D. A.
(7) Sect. 20. Oopu — the New Zealand Maori Kokopu.
(8) Section 17. Au-mai-ewa. This net had a large mouth, and was
placed at the wings of the papa-hului to receive the fish that were
gathered by the former. The aulau consisted of leaves thickly strung to
a long line, used to pen up the fish and drive them to the net.
Pakuikui: in this a net is laid in a hollow or ravine in the coral
through which the fish must pass in their retreat sea-ward, the water
being at the same time beaten to drive them towards the net.
Papa-olewalewa ; a net used in much the same way as the pa-kuikui,
but in deep water and in conjunction with the laau tnelo-melo.
Laau melO'tnelo; 2. clublike stick, which after being charred, was
anointed with oils whose odor was attractive to the fish, and then thrust
into the water to draw the fish by its fragrance.
Kahekahe; a method in which a large net was placed in deep water, in
a place where the current or some opportunity for feeding caused the
fish to assemble.
Another method called by this same name, was that in which the fish
were attracted to the net by bait artfully strewn in the water.
(9) Sect. 18. Kupo; a long net stretched across the track of fish, one
end being anchored in deep, the other in shoal water.
28o
Ka-wa'a; a ^et used in the deep sea, the fish being driven in by thrash-
ing the water or pelting it with stones.
Kuu; a generic name for almost any kind of net that was let down into
the water. The aei, said to be the same as the kaili described in Note
(3).
The mouth was held open by long sticks of ulei, the fish being attracted
with bait. Pouono; a long net that* was stretched across an ocean ravine
or gully, while men beat the water with sticks.
Akiikii; a net of moderate size used in ambuscading fish. The rocks
in front of the net were upturned to give fhe fish a new feeding ground.
After waiting awhile, the water was beaten to drive the fish towards the
net.
Lu'elu'e; a net of moderate size, in which bait having been placed, it
was let down into deep water, out of sight of the fisherman. At the point
of juncture of the two lines which cross the mouth of the net, where is
attached the line that leads to the fisherman* s hand, is also attached a short
line with bait at its free end. When the fisherman feels the line quiver
from the entrance of the fish or from its pulling at the bait, he hauls up
the net.
Kaihi; said to be a fine meshed net that takes all kinds of fish, similar
to the kaili.
Hano-malolo ; a. long net held by two canoes, while two others drove
the fish into its open mouth.
Hano-iao; a fine meshed net for taking small fish, to be used as bait.
Kaee-ohua; a small net that was held open by means of two sticks held
in the hands of the fisherman. It was used in shoal water.
Kace-paoo ; the same as the kae -ohua, only that it had but one stick
for a handle. The kaili, already mentioned and the same as the aei.
By some it is said to be a net with fine meshes, used only in shoal water
and over a sandy bottom, and to take all kinds of fish, a grab-all.
Pahu; a net two or three fathoms long, used by two men in shoal water,
who at the same time thrashed with long sticks at the wings of the net
to drive in the fish. Haoa-puhi; a short piece of hard wood tapering to
a sharp point at each end, with a line attached to its middle; it was
baited and lashed to the end of a stick that served as a handle, by means
of which it was thrust into the hiding places of the eel. On being
swallowed by the fish, the line was drawn taut, and the haoa was turned
crosswise in the gullet of the fish. Upalupalu, ordinary angling. When
the baited hook was thrown as in fly fishing, to a particular spot on the
surface of the water, it was called pa aeo. The uluulu is described as a
small net having two sticks to open its mouth, one of which was held in
each hand. With this the fisherman dived deep down under water.
(lo) Sect. 19. Kaka, in which a number of hooks are attached to a
single line, much used in a deep-sea fishing,
Kahala, in which a net made of very strong cord is used to take the
shark, called also the hihi-mano.
28l
Kukaula. In this method the canoe was anchored in water said not to
exceed ten fathoms in depth, that being about' the length of line at which
the pull of a fish taking the hook could be detected at once by the hand
of the fisherman. They did, however, fish at greater depths tlian this.
Luhe'e; a method of squidding in which a large cowry, coupled with
a stone sinker, is attached to the hook, the color and lustre of the shell
offering an irresistible fascination tb the octopus. The instrument itself
is called leho-he'e, the method luhce.
Hi aku; the use of the pa in trolling for the aku, {pa hi aku) being
the full name for the instrument. It consists of a hook of human bone
fixed to a plate of mofher of pearl. Various modifications of this troll-
hook are found in the different islands of the Pacific.
Ka-ntokoi, ordinary fishing with hook, line, and rod.
Ku-mano', taking the shark with bait and a noose.
Lawaia-palu, attracting fish by means of bait scattered on the water.
Lawaia-upapalu. In this as in fly fishing, the hook is thrown to a de-
sired spot.
( 1 1 ) Sect. 20. Hinai houluulu, a basket with which a fisherman would
dive down under water to fake certain fish.
Hinalea, a small fish much esteemed for its flavor.
The pai'O'opu was a hat-shaped basket used to take the oopu, a sweet
and delicate fish found in mountain streams and fresh water ponds.
(12) Sect. 28. Ma'oma'o or palapalai; the fishes of this or allied
species of fish were marked with stripes or. patches of bright color, like
ripe autumn leaves, one being the lauhau.
CHAPTER XLI.
SPORTS AND GAMES, UME.
1. From the most ancient times down to the reign of Liholiho,
Kamehameha II, there was a great variety of games practiced
by the people. In the month of Ikuzva} October, the coming of
the Makahiki season was indicated by the display of flags,^ and
the people left their ordinary^ worship of idols, and jomed with
the chiefs in the practice of games and sports.
2. Unic was a pastime that was very popular with all the
Hawaiians. It was an adulterous sport and was played in the
following manner. A large enclosure,* or pa, was made in the
midst of or close to the town.
3. This done, all the people took hold and helped to collect a
large quantity of faggots ; and when it came night a bonfire was
282
started, which made it as light as day, and all the people gathered
together.
4. When all were seated in a circle within the enclosure, a
man stood forth as the president* of the assembly and called them
to order. Another man also came forward and chaunted a gay
and lascivious song, waving in his hand the while a long wand^
which was trimmed at intervals with tufts of bird-feathers. He
waved this to and fro as he moved about, repeating at the same
time the words of his song.
5. As he made his circuit, passing in front of the people, he
selected^ the fine-looking women and the handsome men, and the
man and woman whom he indicate<l by touching them with his
wand went out and enjoyed themselves together.
6. A husband would not be jealous of or offended at his own
wife, if she went out with another man, nor would a wife be
angry with her own husband because he went out to enjoy an-
other woman, because each of them would have done the same
thing if they had been touched with the ume-stick.
7. During the nights while this game was being played the
man consorted with the woman that pleased him, and the woman
with the man that pleased her; and when daylight® came the
husband returned to his own wife and the wife to her own hus-
band.
8. Owing to these practices, the affections of the woman
were often transferred to the man, her partner,® and the affections
of the man to the woman who was his partner ; so that the mar
would not return to his former wife, nor the woman to he
former husband. This was the way ume was played. Anothe
name for this sport was />t/i=touched by the wand.
NOTES TO CHAPTER Xtl.
(i) Sect. I. I'kU'Wa, the month corresponding to Oct'ober or
vember, said to be so called from the thunder often heard at that t
(2) Sect. I. This display of flags was a natural expression of
and enthusiasm.
(3) Sect. I. The statement that the people at the time of Makahil
their idol-worship and indulged in games, is misleading in more tha
respect, ist. The assumption that the worship of the Hawaiian
mere idol-worship is not for a moment to be credited; one has
consider the prayers they offered to be convinced of the opposit
283
The same spirit of worship inspired the ceremonies of this Makahiki
festival as pervaded the other tabu-periods of the year. N. B. E.
The Makahiki festival was sacred to Lono, and the worship of the
other gods was suspended for the time. W. D. A.
See Chap. XXXVIII, Sect. i6.
(354) Sect. I. Ume was a plebeian sport. No chief of high rank, or
who gfreatly respected himself, would think of being present at the per-
formance of this game. Not because of its immorality, not that, but be-
cause it was not a place where he would meet his peers. Chiefs of low
rank went, because they were of low rank and did not greatly respect
themselves. The sport of this nature at which the chief should attend
was kilu, which will soon be described.
(4) Sect. 2. It is an error to assert that ume was generally played
in an open court or enclosure. It was in a house that it was chiefly
played. In Honolulu — which by the way was in ancient times called Kou —
the hi^e ume was situated where Bishop s Bank now stands.
(5) Sect. 4. The president of the assembly was called the ano-hale^
u e., the one who kept the house quiet, orderly.
(6) Sect. 4. The one who carried the wand was called the mau, and.
the wand itself was called the maile.
(7) Sect. 5. The selection was not left to the uninfluenced judgment
of the mau. *The man indicated his choice to the mau, the wand-bearer,
at the same time putting into his hands some thing of value as an induce-
ment, to be given to the woman, perhaps to be passed on to her husband
in return for his complaisance. Sometimes, when the pair got outside,
the wopian would refuse to have an3rthing to do with the man, and they
returned at once to the hale ume.
(8) Sect. 7. The word ho-ao, which was the ancient word that meant
the most legitimate form of marriage, was derived from this staying to-
gether until day-light, ao. For a man and woman to make a night of
it together and to stay with each other until ao, morning was equivalent
to a declaration of marriage. This temporary union for a night was
termed omau, in distinction from hoao.
Virgins and unmarried women did not as a rule attend at the hale-ume.
Ume, as said before, was not a game for the aliis, but for the common*
people. The woman could of course do something in the way of manage-
ment, but she could not actually refuse to go out with the man who had
chosen her.
(9) Sect. 8. If the man took his new wife to his home, it was for the
new favorite to say whether the former woman might stay on the
promises. The children belonged to the man.
The meaning of the word u-me is to draw, to attract. "E ume mat
ia'u; e hahai makou mamuli ou." Draw me; we will run after thee.
Song of Solomon, 4:1.
CHAPTER XLII.
SPORTS AND GAMES.
KiLU.
1. Kiln was a very favorite sport with the ancient Hawaiians.
It was played in the same enclosure as ume. One night ume
would be played, another night kilu. They were both licentious
sports. The manner of playing kilu was as follows :
2. The company were seated in a circle within the enclosure.
On one side were set a number of pobs, (broad-based, pointed
cylinders), and opposite to them, on the other side, about ten
fathoms away, an equal number of pobs.
3. The players sat immediately behind these pobs or posts,
five or more on each side, together with the tally-keepers of the
game. Then the one who acted as president of the game stood
up and called aloud "Puheoheo"; and the whole assembly an-
swered, "Puheoheo-heo."
4. Order was at once established ; and if any one made a dis-
turbance they set fire to his clothing. Silence having been secured,
the kilus, with which the game was to be played, were placed in
front of those who were to play the game.
5. The kilu was a gourd (or cocoanut shell) that had been cut
obliquely from one end to the other. Before beginning the play,
the tally-keeper, or helu-ai, holding a kilu in his hand, addressed
the tally-keeper of the other side in a low tone of voice, and
stated the name, or purpose of the kilu, saying, for instance,
"this kilu is a love-token; it is a kissing kilu (kilu honi.)*'
6. The tally-keeper on the other side then replied in a low
tone giving the name of some person on his side.( O ka mea
aloha kapa mai.)
7. This do.ne, the tally-keepers gave the kilus into the hands
of the two players. Each of the players chanted an oli before he
began to play. If the kilu thrown by one of the players hit the
pob on the other side at which he aimed, his tally-keeper in a
loud tone said.
285
A uweuwe ke ko'e a ke kae,
'■ Puehuehu ka la, komo inoino,
Kakia, kahe ka ua Halo,
Now wriggles the womi to its goal,
What a towselling : a hasty entrance :
Pinneci: down falls the rain.
8. The successful player then crossed over and claimed a
kiss in payment for his success, because the forfeit of the kilic was
to be kissing. They continued to play till one of them scored ten
and that one was declared the winner. Sometimes one side would
celebrate the victory by dancing. The play was kept up till
morning and resumed the following night.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XLII.
Notes. Kilu was a select and aristocratic game to which none but aliis
were admitted. The king and queen were not above participating in the
pleasures of this sport. Any chief of recognized rank in the papa alii was
admitted. Once admitted to the hall in which the sport was indulged in,
all were peers and stood on an equal footing as to the privileges and rules
of the game. King nor queen could claim exemption from the rules of
the game, nor deny to any one the full exercise of the privileges acquired
under the rules.
There was a greater outward propriety and a certain show of regard
for etiquette in the playing of kilu, which must have been wanting in
ume, but the motive of the game was in each case the same.
The men sat grouped at one end of the hall, the women at the other.
The players, five or more in number of each sex, sat facing each other
in advance of the spectators, separated by an interval, which must have
been less than tbe "ten fathoms" at which David Malo places it. The
floor, at least that portion of it which lay between the players, was cover-
ed with matting. (In the game of ume it was strewn with rushes). The
players were probably select'ed by the president (Sect. 3), who was termed
the la-anoano, i. e., quiet day. In front of each player was placed, what,
for lack of a better name, I have termed a pob (following the terminology
of the game of quoits), which was nothing more or less than a conical
block of heavy wood broad at the base, to keep it' upright. The kilu,
with which the game was played, was a dish made by cutting in two an
egg-shaped coconut shell obliquely from one side of the point to the eyes,
thus making a somewhat one-sided dish. The object of the player was
to cast his kilu so that it should travel with a sliding, and at the same
time a rotary, motion, across the floor and hit' the pob that stood in front
286
of the woman of his choice. The woman also took her tui?i in playing
after the man. A successful hit entitled a player to claim a kiss from
his opponent, a toll which it was customary to demand the pa3rment of at
once. The successful making of ten points in the game entitled one to
claim the same forfeit as in the game of ume. But such rights were often
commuted for, — on grounds of wise policy, at the request of the victor, —
by an equivalent of land or some other possession. Still no fault could
be found if a player demanded the full payment of the forfeit. The two
did not, however, retire for that purpose at the time — ^that would have
been contrary to etiquette — but did so later in the night, after the company
had separated.
A game of kilu was often gotten up by one alii as a compliment to dis-
tinguished visitors of rank. |t was a supreme expression of hospitality,
and was not an empty phrase, as when the Spanish don says to his guest
^'all that I have is yours." I have succeeded in obtaining the following
specimen of an oli which is such as might have been recited by a contest-
ant in kilu before playing (Sect. 7.)
1 Ula KaWe-loa* % ka lepo a ka makani,
2 Hoonuanua na pua i Kalamaula,
3 He hoa i ka La'i-a'ka-manu,t
4 Manu ai ia i ka hoa laukona.^
5 / keke'e lauaua ia e ka moe
6 E kuhi ana ia he kanaka e.
7 Oau no keia tnai luna a lalo.
8 Huna ke aloha, pe*e maloko,
9 Ike'a i ka uwe ana iho.
10 Pela ka hoa kamalii,
11 He uwejivale ke kamalii,
I Ruddy glows Kalae-loa* through the wind-blown dust.
2 Plump and lush are the flowers at Lamaula,
3 A partner in the songs of the birds,
4 A sea-bird that spoils the beauties, spite of the duenna,
5 His stinginess is that he is jealous of his protege's bed.
^ He was thinking me to be a stranger.
7 I am myself from crown to sole.
8 Hidden has been my love, pent up within,
9 Shown by my weeping over you.
10 That is the way with a child-friend.
II A child weeps for a trifle.
N. B. In old times the site on which now stands Bishop's Bank was
occupied by a house in which kilu and ume were wont to be played.
*Kala'e-loa was the full name of the place on Molokai ordinarily known
as Kalae.
XLa'i-a-ka-manu is the name of a land near Kala'e-loa. In the use of
this word a double meaning is evidently intended, i. e., a reference both
28/
to the land so-called and to the song of the birds. Hawaiian poetry de-
pended upon this trick to produce its chief effects.
^Laukona, applies to one who is jealous and watchful of one under his
care.
Remark. In justice to the ancient Hawaiians it should be stated that
there existed a more respectable class among them, who disapproved of
the debauchery of the ume and kilu, and endeavored to keep their chil-
dren away from the places where those games were played.
W. D. A.
CHAPTER XUII.
PUHENEHENE, OR PA-PUHENE.
1. Puhenehene was a game that was played at night. The
people were seated in two rows facing each other.
2. Then a long piece of tapa, made perhaps by stitching
several pieces together, was stretched between one party and the
other.
3. When the assembly had been brought to order the president
whistled a call on the puheoheo, or called out "puheoheo/' and
all the company answered "puheoheo". This done a man stood
forth and chanted a gay and pleasing song.
4. Then three men lifted up the long tapa, already described,
and with it covered over and concealed from view one of the
groups of players.
5. One of the men of the number who were concealed then
hid the pebble which was called a no'a} The tapa which cur-
tained or covered them was then removed, and the men, one of
whom had the no' a, then leaned forward and looked down.^
6. Then the other side made a guess where the no'a was. If
the guess was correct it counted for them, if not for the other
party. When either side scored ten it had the victory ; somebody
would then start up a hula-dance.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XLIH.
(i) Sect. 5. The no'a was a small pebble, and it was hidden on the
person of one of the players.
(2) Sect. 5. The purpose of leaning forward was to conceal the coun-
tenance as much as possible, because it was as much by the study of the
countenance as in any other way that one was to judge which of the
players had the no'a about him.
I "^ ^ 288
CHAPTER XLIV.
KUKINI — RUNNING FOOT-RACES.
1. Foot-racing, kukini, was a very popular amusement. It
was associated with betting and was conducted in the following
manner :
2. The kukini, or swift runners, were a class of men who were
trained^ with great severity and made to practice running very
frequently, until they had attained great speed. When the people
wished to indulge in betting a number of the fastest of this class
were selected and two of this number were chosen to run a race.
3. Those who thought one man was the faster nmner of the
two bet their property on him, and those who thought the other
was the faster, bet their property on him.
4. When people had made their bets, the experts came to judge
by physical examination which of the two runners was likely
to win, after which they made their bets. One man, after staking
all his property, pledged his wife and his own body (pili hihia),
another man bet property he had borrowed from another (pili
kana). When all the pledges had been deposited {kieke, literally
bagged) the betting was at an end.
5. The runners (kukini) then took their station at the start-
ing point and a pole with a flag was planted at the goal. The
race might be over a long course or a short one ; that was as the
runners aggreed.
6. It was a rule of the game that if both runners reached the
goal at the same instant, neither party won (aole no eo), it was
a dead heat (pai zvale). It was when one reached the goal ahead
of the other that he was declared victor. In that case the winners
made great exultation over their victory.
7. Sometimes a runner would sell out^ the race to his opponent
and let a third person stake his property on the other runner.
This was the practice in kukini.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XLIV.
(i) Sect. 2. Koi, ko'h-ee. According to other authorities if should
be ka'i, ka'h-ee, to practice, train, exercise. The runner was first exer-
cised in walking on his toes, without touching the heel of the foot to
289
the ground. Then he was set to running, at first for a short distance and
at a moderate pace. Finally he was made to run at full speed for great
distances. While in training they were denied poi and all soggy, heavy
food, but were fed on rare-done flesh of the fowl, and roasted vegetables,
taro, sweet-potato, bread-fruit, etc.
Kaohele, son of Kumukoa, a king of Molokai who was cotemporary
with Alapai-nui of Hawaii, was a celebrated kukini. It is related of hini
that he could run from Kaluaaha as far as to Halawa and return before
a fish put on the fire at the time of his starting had time to be roasted,
"E kui ka mama' i loaa o Kaohele." You must double (literally piece
out') your speed to catch Kaohele.
Uluanui of Oahu, a rival and friend of Kaohele, was a celebrated foot-
runner. It was said of him that he could carry a fish from the Kaelepulu
pond in Kailua, round by way of Waialua. and bring it in to Waikiki
while it was still alive and wriggling.
Makoko was a celebrated runner of Kamehameha I on Hawaii. It
was said of him that he could carry a fish from the pond at Waiakea,
in Hilo, and reach Kailua before it was dead. The distance is a little
over a hundred miles, making it, of course, an impossible story. But
it would be unkind to take such statements with utter literal ness.
(2) Sect. 7. The Hawaiian text reads. "O kekahi poe, nolunolu na hat
ke eOy a na hai e lipi ka lakou waiwai, pela ka hana ana ma ke kukini."
Only by removing the comma after poe and rearranging the letters in the
word lipi, which should evidently be pili, is it possible to make sense out
of this passage. It is curious to note the same corrupt practice, of selling
out a race, in ancient Hawaii, as prevails in the civilized world to-day.
CHAPTER XLV.
THE GAME OF MATKA.
1. Kolling the maika stone was a game on which much betting^^
was done. The manner of conducting the game was as follows :
2. When people wanted the excitement of betting they hunted
up the men who were powerful in rolling the maika stone, and
every man made his bet on the one whom he thought to be the
strongest player.
3. The experts also studied the physique of the players, as
well as the signs and omens, after which the betting went to
ruinous lengths.
Now the maika was a stone which was fashioned after the
shape of a wheel, thick at the centre and narrow at the circum-
290
ference — a biconvex disc. It was alsc called an ulu, this thing
with which the game of maika was played.
4. The tdu-maika (by which name the stone disc, or the game
itself was called) was made from many varieties of stone, and
they were accordingly designed after the variety of stone from
which they were made.
5. The game of maika was played on a road-way, or kahua,
made specially for the purpose. When all had made their bets
the maika-pldiyevs came to the maika-couvse.
6. The nhi which the first man hurled was said to be his
kumu, mua, i. e., his first basis or pledge ; in the same way the
nhi which the second player hurled, or bowled, was called his
kumu,
7. If the second player outdid the first player's shot he scored.
If they both went the same distance it was a dead heat.
8. But if the second player did not succeed in out-doing the
first man's play the score was given to the first player.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XLV.
The meaning of the language in sections 6, 7, and 8 is such that I
can make no sense of it; and after diligent inquiry of those who are Ha-
waiian scholars and skillful in unraveling puzzles, I can find no one who
can do anything with it. I give a literal copy of the original :
6 O ke kanaka i pelii mua i kana ulu, oia kana kumu mua, o ke kana-
naka i pchi hope mai, oia no hoi kana kumu.
7. O ke kanaka i pehi mua, pehi oia i ke kumu, a ka mea i pehi hope mai,
ina pau iaia ke kumu a kela mea, helu oia, a pela nohoi kela mea, a i pa
nohoi ka kekahi, ua pai maika.
8. Aka, i pau ole ke kumu a ke kahi, i kekahi, eo, kekahi i kekahi, pela
ke ano o ka Maika. Such is the Hawaiian as written by a Hawaiian.
The first thing in translating this is to utterly disregard tlie punctuation.
That is entirely wrong and misleading.
The game of maika was a most worthy and noble sport. It is not
an easy matter to obtain definite information as to. some points in the
game, whether sometimes the play was not to drive the ulu between two
stakes set up at a distance, whether the ulu-maika of the first player was
removed from the course as soon as it came to a standstill, by what
means the point reached by the ulu was marked, if it was removed from
the course in order to clear the track for the next player. These are
some of the questions to which I have been able to obtain only partial
and unsatisfactory answers. There was no doubt a great diversity of
practice as to these points on the different islands, and even in the different
parts of the same island.
291
The principal point to be made was, so far as I can learn, to send
the ulu to as great' a distance as possible. When an ulu had come to a
standstill it was probably removed from the track and the place of its
fall marked by a little flag, or stake, set in the ground opposite and out-
side of fhe track. According to some, however, the ulu was allowed
to remain in the track as it fell, thus adding an obstacle to the success
of the player who had the next throw. But this method is so clearly op-,
posed to all fair play fhat I cannot believe it was the general practice.
The ulu, tnaika, or ulu-maika (for by all these names was the thing
called) was of various sizes, being all the way from two and a quarter
to six inches in diameter. The size most ordinarily used, if one may
judge from specimens seen in museums and private collections, was per-
haps from three to four inches. It was in some cases made one-sided to
enable it' to follow the bend of a curved track, one of which description
I remember to have seen on the plains back of Kaunakakai, on Molokai.
There is said to have been another of the same kind at Lanikaula, also
on Molokai. There is said to be a kahua-maika at Ka-lua-ko'i, on the
mountain of Maunaloa, at the western end of Molokai, which to this
day remains in a fair state of preservation. There must also be many
others scattered through the group.
N. B. — The half-grown bread-fruit, which is generally of a globular
shape was much used in playing this game, and undoubtedly gave its name,
ulu, both to the thing itself and to the sport. Spherical stones, evidently
fashioned for use in this game, are object's occasionally met with. From
the fact that the stone ulu is of spherical shape — in evident imitation
of fhe fruit — as well as that all the specimens met with have been
fashioned out of a coarse, vesicular stone that is incapable of smooth
finish or polish, while the material from which the maika is made, has in
the majority of cases been a close, fine-grained basalt, leads to the con-
clusion that the ulu was fhe early form, and the maika the product of
later evolution.
Mr. S. Percy Smith suggests that the word ulu probably meant origin-
ally **round," "spherical," as in the word for "head."
CHAPTER XLVI.
THE GAME OF PAHEE.
1. The game of pahee was one which people played at odd
times, whenever they were so inclined, and it was associated with
betting.
2. A short javelin, made from the hard wood of the ulei or
kauilOy was the instrument used in playing pahee. It was made
thick at the forward end, the head, and tapered off towards the
292
tail-end. One man cast his javelin, and when it had come to a
stand still, the other man cast, and wliichever javelin went farther
than the other, it counted for him who threw it.
3. After each one had made his bet the players went to the
tail-end.
4. He who first scored ten won the game.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XLVI.
The pahee or javelin was cast on a roadway or piece of sward, in such
a way as to slide or skip along, over the ground. It was a very inter-
esting game. Betting was no doubt a very common fault of old Hawa-
iian life, but it is not exactly true that betting was an accompaniment
to every game that was played in ancient Hawaii.
CHAPTER XLVn.
CANOE-RACING.
1. The ancient Hawaiians were very fond of betting on a
canoe-race. When they wished to in<:lulge this passion, people
selected a strong crew of men to pull their racing canoes.
2. Each man then put up his bet on that crew which was in
his opinion composed of the strongest canoe-paddlers, and, the
betting being over, they started out for the race.
3. If the canoe was of the kind called the kioloa (a sharp and
narrow canoe, made expressly for racing) there might be but
one man to paddle it, but if it was a large canoe, there might be
two, three, or a large number of paddlers, according to the size
of the canoe.
4. The racing canoes paddled far out to sea — some, however,
staid close in to the land (to act as judges, or merely perhaps as
spectators), and then they pulled for the land, and if tliey touched
the beach at the same time it was a dead heat; but if a canoe
reached the shore first it was the victor, and great would be the
exultation of ^he men who won, and the sorrow of those who
lost their property.
293
CHAPTER XLVIII.
HE'e-XALU, SURF-RIDIXa*
1. Surf-riding was a national sport of the Hawaiians, on
which they were very fond of betting, each man staking his prc^
erty on the one he thought to be the most skilful.
2. When the bets were all put up, the surf-riders, taking their
boards with them, s\%-am out through the surf, till they had
reached the waters outside of the surf. These surf-boards were
made broad and flat, generally hewn out of koa;^ a narrows
board, however, was made from the wood of the wiltTvilu^
3. One board would be a fathom in length, another tKO
fathoms, and another four fathoms, or even longer.*
4. The surf-riders, having reached the belt of water outside
of the surf, the region where the rollers began to make head,
awaited the incoming of a wave, in preparation for which they
got their boards under way by paddling with their hands until
such time as the swelling wave began to lift and urge them for-
ward. Then the>' speeded for the shore until they came opposite to
where was moored a buoy, which was called a ptia,
5. If the combatants passed the line of this buoy together it
was a dead heat ; but if one went by it in advance of the other
he was the victor.
6. A i ka au hoti ana, o ka inea i komo i ka pv.a hoomawaena
iiiai oia, aole e hiki i ke kulana, o ka eo no ia nana; pela ka he'e
naluA
NOTES TO CHAPTER XLVIII.
(i) Sect. 2. Koa, the same wood as that of which the canoe was
generally made.
(2) Sect. 2. Wili-wili, a light, cork-like wood, used in making floats
for the outriggers of canoes, for nets, and a variety of other similar pur-
poses.
(3) Sect. 3. The longest surf-board at the Bishop Museum is six-
teen feet in length. It is difficult to see how one of greater length could
be of any service, and even when of such dimensions it must have re-
quired great address to manage it. It was quite sufficient if the board was
of the length of the one who used it. One is almost inclined to doubt the
accuracy of David Malo*s statement that it was sometimes four, or even
294
more, fathoms in length. If any thinks it an easy matter to ride the
surf on a board, a short trial will perhaps undeceive him.
(4) Sect. 6. I am unable to give a satisfactory translation of this
section.
It has been suggested to me that? the meaning of Sect. 6 is that
the victory was declared only after more than one heat, a rubber, if
necessary. The Hawaiian text should be corrected as follows:
A i ka au hou ana i ka mea i kovio i ka pu-a i Ito-o mawaena mat oia aole
e hiki i ke kulana ka eo ia nana. Pela ka hee-nalu.
(5) Surf-riding was one of the most exciting and noble sports known
to the Hawaiians, practiced equally by king, chief and commoner. It is
still to some extent engaged in, though not as formerly, when it was
not uncommon for a whole community, including both sexes, and all
ages, to sport and frolic in the ocean the livelong day. While the usual
attitude was a reclining on the board face downwards, wifh one, or both
arms folded and supporting the chest, such dexterity was attained by some
that they could maintain fheir balance while sitting, or even while standing
erect, as the board was borne along at the full speed of the inrolling
breaker. Photographs can be given in proof of this statement.
CHAPTER XLIX.
HOLUA-SLEDDING.
1. Sliding down hill on the holua-sled was a sport greatly in
vogue among chiefs and people, and one on the issue of which
they were very fond of making bets, when the fit took them.
2. The holua was a long course laid out down the steep incline
of a hill and extending onto the level plain.
3. Rocks were first laid down, then earth was put on and
beaten hard, lastly the whole was layered with grass, and this
was the track for the holua-sled to run on.
4. The runners of the holua-sled were made of mamane, or of
uhiiihi wood, chamfered to a narrow edge below, with the for-
ward end turned up, so as not to dig into the ground, and con-
nected with each other by means of cross-pieces in a manner
similar to the joining of a double-canoe.
5. On top of the cross-pieces boards were then laid, as in
flooring the pola of a canoe. This done and the runners lubric-
ated with oil of the kukui-nut, the sled was ready for use.
295
6. The bets having been arranged, the racers took their sta-
tions at the head of the track ; the man who was ranged in front
gave his sled a push to start it and mounted it, whereupon his
competitor who was to his rear likewise started his sled and
followed after. He who made the longest run was the victor.
In case both contestants travelled the length of the course, it was
a dead heat and did not decide who was victor.
7. The victory was declared for the player who made the best
run.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XLIX.
The course of an old-time holua slide is at the present writing clearly
to be made out sloping down fhe foot-hills back of the Kamehameha
School. The track is of such a width, — about 18 feet — as to preclude the
possibility of two sleds travelling abreast. It is substantially paved with
flaf stones, which must have held their position for many generations.
The earth that once covered them has been mostly washed away. The
remains of an ancient kahua holua are also to be made out at Keauhou,
or were a few years ago.
From the sample of the holua sled to be seen at the Bishop museum^
it seems a wonder that any one was able to ride the sled down such a
descent as either one of the t'wo just mentioned, or to keep on the thing
at all. The two runners are — in the specimen at the museum — twelve
and a half feet long, are set about two and a half inches apart at the
narrow, sliding edge, and about six inches apart on top, where the body
of the man rests. A more difficult feat by far it must have been to ride
on this tipsy affair at speed fhan to keep one's balance on the back of
a horse, a la circus-rider; yet it is asserted that there were those who
would ride down hill on the holua-sled at break-neck speed maintaining
at the same time an erect position. It hardly seems credible. The swift
rush of the toboggan is as nothing to this.
CHAPTER L.
N0.\.
1. Noa was a sport that was extremely popular with people
and chiefs. The number of those, including chiefs, who were
beggared by this game was enormous.
2. The people are seated in two groups facing each other, and
five bundles or tapa are placed (on a mat) between the two groups.
296
These bundles are to hide the noa under, and beginning with the
Kihiptika^ which completes the list.
4. Two well-skilled persons were chosen to hide the noa. This
was a small piece of wood or of stone. Bets having been made,
one side — ^by their player — hid their noa under one of the piles
of tapa.
5. This done, the player sat still and shut his eyes.
6. The opposite side, who had attentively watched the man
while he was hiding the noa, made a guess as to its pasition. If
they guessed correctly, it counted for them. The other side then
made their guess, and that side which first scored ten won the
game.
7. Sometimes a man, when he lost his property and was re-
duced to poverty, took it so greatly to heart that he became bitter
and desperate. He would then, perhaps, risk everything he had
and become beggared, or actually go crazy through grief.
8. After losing everything else,^ people would sometimes stake
their wives, or children, speaking of the former as an old sow,
and the latter as shoats. These were some of the results of noa,
NOTES ON CHAPTER L.
•
(i) Sect. 3. A Hawaiian who says he used to see the game of noa
played in his boyhood on the island of Molokai, informs me that accord-
ing to his recollection, the piles of tapa were nam.ed in this order: Kihi-
puka, Pilimoe, Kau, Pilipuka, Kihintoe. He gives me the following, which
he heard recited by the man who was hiding the noa:
Aia la, aia la,
J ke Kau, % ke Pili, i ka Moe,
Ilaila e ku ai ka noa a kaiia. E ku!
There it is, there it is,
Under the kau, under the pili, under the moe,
There is lodged our noa. lt*s lodged!
See also Andrews' Dictionary under the worct kau.
(2) Sect. 8. It was not an unknown thing for a man, having ex-
hausted other resources, to stake his own body, pili i^vi as it was called.
If he lost he was at least the slave of the winner, who might put his body
to what use he pleased. If put to death by his master he would be called
a moe-puu, i. e., he joined the great heap, or majority of the dead, "ka
puu nui o ka make." Death was the puu nui. There was evident allusion
to the same thought in the expression "moe puu," applied to the human
sacrifices that were in ancient times made at the death of a king.
297
CHAPTER LI.
PUKAULA, JUGGLING.
1. Pukaiila or juggling was a great betting game. It was
played by experts, through whose skill a great many people were
taken in and victimized. An outsider stood no chance of win-
ning from the slight-of-hand-performer, unless the juggler saw
that the audience was too small, in which case he let some one
win from him.
2. And after people b^^n to think they had a show for win-
ning they gathered in crowds about the jugglers and staked all
their property, thinking they were sure to win. When the
jugglers saw this and that the betting was heavy, they changed
their tactics and managed it so that they themselves should win.
In playing the game of pukaula an olona -line several fathoms
long was used (The author says a fathom long; but that is clearly
impossible.) which is braided very closely and smoothly and was
about the size of a watch-guard.
3. When the jugglers came on to the ground where they
were to exhibit, they started in by repeating some sort of jingle
(kcpakepa^) which tickled the fancy of the people, and they ac-
cordingly crowded up and filled the place.
4. The performers very cunningly gave one end of the line
into the hands of one man and the other end into the hands of
another man to hold, and then did their tricks with the middle
part of the line.^
5. The juggler artfully tied the middle part of the line up
into a knot and then asked the people "what do you think about
the knot ?"
6. Being sure from their own observation that the knot was
a tight one, they bet that it would hold. Then the juggler and
the ones who made bets struck hands and pledged^ themselves
to stick to their bargain. The ends of the rope were then pulled,
and according to whether the knot held or no, did the jugglers
or the others win.
7. Men and women as well in large numbers were driven to
desperation at their losses in this game. A woman would some-
times put her own body at stake and lose it to the juggler, in
which case she became his property.
298
8. Men were affected with the same craze and likewise be-
came the slaves of the jugglers. They were let off only when
they paid a heavy ransom.
NOTES TO CHAPTER LI.
(i) Sect. 3. Kepakepa. The meaning of this word is to amuse,
amusement.
(2) Sect. 4. The statement that the juggler allowed outsiders to
hold the ends of the line is on fhe face of it absurd and improbable. So
I am told by those who have seen something of the game.
(3) Sect. 6. The pledge was, no doubt, in the form that was very
commonly used in connection with solemn affirmations, "Pau Pelc, pan
mano," as much as to say, Let me be destroyed by Pele, or by the
shark, if I do not keep my oath.
My informant says the rope he once saw used in the play was three
fathoms long.
(4) Sect. 3. The following is communicated to me as a sample of a
Kepakepa, recitative, it could hardly be called a jingle — such as was used
by the pu-kaula or juggler in baiting and fascinating his audience. It
is to all intents a prayer to Kana, the god of jugglery and of jugglers.
1. E Kana. E Kana.
2. E mahulu-ku, e kit lalau,
3. E kulii a leo, c ka inoe,
4. Ka hanai a Uli.
5. Kuu'a mat kou kapa kaula.
6. Hoalu mat kou kapa kanaka,
7. I ka pu a kaua, e Kana.
1. Oh Kana. Oh Kana.
2. Rough line of hala-root, or bark of hau.
3. Point and declare as to the sleeper,
4. The foster child of Uli.
5. Put on your rope-body,
6. Lay off your human form
7. In this trick of yours and mine, oh Kana,
Kana was a kupua — a word which has no exact? equivalent in our
language, though perhaps the word demi-god comes nearest to it; it was
a being more than human or heroic and less than divine. His father was
Hakalanileo, his mother Hina-ai-ka-malama. The scene of his nativity
and chilhood was Hilo, on the island of Hawaii. His birth was remark-
able. His little body at its first appearance seemed only a small piece
of cord and was put one side as of no account. The goddess Uli, how-
299
,ever, recognized the nature of the being and put him in a place of safety.
The nutriment suitable for the sustenance and growth of a kupua are
hoomana, i. e., adoration and worship, and azca. Through tlie care of
Uli, his foster mother, the spiritual and physical necessities of Kana were
well supplied and he grew apace. His growth was only in length, not in
circumference. Under the stimulus of hoomanamana and atvn, the growth
of Kana was so great that aft'er a time the house in which he had been
placed grew too narrow for him and another one had to be built for his
accommodation. To all appearance Kana was merely an enormous length
of line; but he was a demi-god of tremendous power.
The following is a sample of the spiritual, or worshipful, incense,
which was daily offered to him (without it any kupua must dwindle and
fade into nothingness) and which was an Inoa, i.e., a name:
1. la nioku kele-Kahiki i ke ao ua o Haka,
2. O Hakalanileo hoowiliwili Hilo,
2. Hookaka*a ka lani, kaka'a ka iloli,
4. VVehiwehi ka opua, palamao^ Kaliiki,
5. Wai-kahe ka mauna, kaikoo ka moana,
6. / ka hanau ana o ka ui a Haka.
7. Hanau ae o Kana he lino,
8. He alio loa, he pauku kaula,
9. He kaee koali, he azve pu-maia,
10. He punawclewele.
11. Hanoi ia Uli a ka ihu pi,
12. Ka ihu nana, ka mono hae,
13. Ka ilio hae, keiki alala, keiki omino.
14. Ku i koholua,^ ku iki a Kana.
15. Naue na koa,^ ka elawa i kai,
16. Ka pu-koa i kai, ka puoleolei,
17. Ka nihi^ moe lawa, ka atina^ lele kai.
18. Kou inoa e Kana.
1. To the craft voyaging to Tahiti amid the rain-clouds of Kana,
2. King of Hilo, land of cloud-portents,
3. Portents in the heavens, commotions in the womb.
4. Open and clear are the heavenly signs, a mottling that reaches tv^ Tahiti.
5. Freshets in the mountains, wild surf in the ocean
6. At the birth of fhe child of Haka.
7. Kana was born a four-stranded rope,
8. A long fish-line, a piece of cord,
9. A line of koali, a thread of banana fibre,
10. A spider's web,
n. Adopted by Uli, the cross one.
12. She of the up-tilted nose, a ravenous shark,
13. A barking dog, a puny wailing thing he,
14. To be lanced most delicately, this Kana.
300
15. The ocean- spearmen rally about him,
1 6. The ocean-reefs, the conchs of ocean,
17. The black shark, the sword-fish.
18. An ascription this to you. Oh Kana.
a Palamoa, mottled, mackerel scales in the sky.
^Koholua, a bone from near the tail of certain fishes, that was sharp
and used as a lancet,
c Koa, soldiers of the ocean, the hihimanu. A sharp bone near the tail.
<i Nihi, a contracted form of hiuhi, a monster shark.
^ Auna, sword-fish.
Kana had a younger brother named Niheu. When his mother was
abducted by Kapepeekauila, a powerful kupua of. Molokai, who had his
seat in the inaccessible cliffs of that island, he concealed her at a place
called Haupukele high up in the mountains. Hakalanileo mourned the
loss of his wife so bitterly that Niheu made ready to start on an expedi-
tion for her rescue. Uli insisted that he must take his brother Kana with
him. So they wrapped his body in a mat and put him in the canoe. On
the voyage the sea-turtle did his best to overwhelm the canoe. Kana
was the first one to call attention to the monster in the ocean that was
threatening tbeni, "ka ea nut, kua-wakawaka." Kana pierced the monster
with his spear and he troubled them no more. Opposite the point of
Halawa was a dangerous reef called Pu*upo'i. Warned in time by Kana
Niheu turned the canoe aside and»this danger was passed. Arrived at
Pelekunu, the inaccessible heights of Haupu-kele-ka-pu'u towered above
them. It was there Pepeekauila lived in security with his stolen bride.
From this elevation he commanded a bird's-eye view of the party in the
canoe, but to assure himself of their character and probable errand, he
sent as messengers and spies the Ulili and Kolea birds to learn the truth.
On their return they reported that it was not a war-canoe, there were no
arms or warriors visible. The principal thing to be seen was a 14rge roll
of matting which occupied the waist of the canoe. The party on the
hill were consequently off their guard.
At the request of Niheu Kana climbed the hill to bring away their
mother. Hina-ai-ka-malama recognized her son and willingly went with
him down to the canoe. Keoloewa, the king who had been keeping her as
his wife or paramour, at first offered no objections to her departure;
when, however, she had boarded the canoe, the sense of his loss came
over him and he ordered the birds, Ulili and Kolea, to fly and fetch
her back. When Kana saw that his mother was gone he took the form of
a man, and standing with one foot in one canoe and the other foot in the
other canoe, his tall form at first reached above the highest point of the
mountain cliff, thus enabling him to seize the body of Hina-ai-ka-malama
and restore her to the canoe. But in the effort he found that the hili kept
growing in height and getting away from him. Keoloewa and his men
301
hurled down great rocks upon those below. Kana's eyes were as big as
the moon. As the hill grew in height Kana also stretched himself up,
but the hill kept growing higher, and Kana wondered why. But feeling
in the ocean at the roots of the mountain, he found that it was the turtle.
ka ea, that was lifting it. Then he tore the ea in pieces and scattered
them in the ocean, where they became sea-turtle of many species. From
that moment the mountain ceased to grow in height. This ended the
fight. Niheu and Kana sailed away in the canoe with their mother, who
was thus restored to her husband, Haka-lani-leo.
CHAPTER Lll.
PA-PUA, OR KEA-PUA.
1. Ke'a-pua was a pastime which was engaged in by great
numbers of men, women and children when the Makahiki period
came round, because that was* the season when the sugar-cane
put forth the flowers that were used in this game.
2. When the tassels were ripe the flower-stems were plucked
and laid away to dry. The lower end of the stem was tightly
bound with string, after which the point thus made was wetted
in the mouth and then thrust into the dirt to become coated with
clav.
3. Matches were then gotten up l^etween different players,
and bets were made in which the arrows themselevs might be the
wagers, but it might be anything else.
4. A knoll of earth or sand was chosen from which to skate
the arrows. One of them would project his arrow and then
tlie other, and so they took turns.
5. The one who first scored ten points was the winner and
took the bet.
NOTE TO CHAPTER LII.
A description is necessary to make this beautiful pastime intelligible.
The arrow, made from the light and elegant stem of the sugar-cane flower
was about two feet long. Posting himself so as to take advantage of a
knoll or any slight eminence, the player, holding the arrow well towards
its tail-end, ran forward a few steps in a stooping position, and as he
reached the desired point, with a downward and forward swing of his
302
arm, projected the arrow at such an angle that it just grazed the surface
of the ground, from which it occasionally glanced with a graceful ricochet
movement. It is a rare sight to see this game played nowadays, but
twenty or thirty years ago, in the season of it it was all the rage from
Hawaii to Niihau. If is a pity to see this elegant and invigorating pastime
supplanted by less worthy sports.
The mythical hero Hiku, who, with his mother lived on the topmost
parts of Hualalai, is said to have had the faculty of calling back to him
the arrow he had sent' to a distance. He uttered the call **pua-ne.
Pua-ne." And the arrow immediately returned to his hand.
I am informed that the expression used to denote the pastime is kca-
pua, ka-pua, or pa-pua.
CHAPTER LIII.
HOO-HAKA-MOA, COCK-FIGHTING.
1. Cock-fighting (haka-moa) was a very fashionable sport
with the aliis, and was conducted in the following manner. A
person who was a good judge of fowls would secure one which
he thought to be a good fighter.
2. A roost was then made, on which to place the cock, and
every night a small fire was started under him, to make him
lively.^
3. Each game-keeper trained his fighting cock in the same
manner, until they were paired for a fight.
4. The day having been set for the match, a multitude of peo-
ple assembled to witness it, and to bet on the result. When the
experts had studied the two cocks and had made up their minds
which would fight to the death, they made their bets, betting all
their own property, as well as all they could borrow.
5. When the betting was done, the president or luna hoomalu,
of the assembly stood forth, and a rope was drawn around the
cock-pit to keep the people out. Any one who trespassed within
this line was put to death.
6. The cocks were then let loose and the multitude flocked
about the cock-pit. If the cocks were equally matched it was a
drawn battle (pai 7valc) ; but if one of them ran away from the
other, that gave victory to the latter.
303
7- The winners always reviled those who lost with insulting
and, offensive language, saying "you'll have to eat chicken-dung
after this," repeating it over and over.
NOTE TO CHAPTER LIII.
Note I. Sect. 2. It was imagined that the motions made by the cock
in thrusting his head to one side and the other, in his efforts to escape
the heat and pungent smoke, were just the exercises needed to fit him
for his duties as a fighter.
CHAPTER LIV.
THE HULA.
I — 2. The hula was a very popular amusement among the Ha-
waiian people. It was used as a means of conferring distinction
upon the aliis and people of wealth. On the birth of an alii the
the chiefs and people gave themselves up to the hula, and much
property was lavished on hula dancers. The hula most frequently
performed by the chiefs was the ka-laan (in which one stick was
struck against another).
3 — 4. The children of the wealthy were ardent devotees of the
hula. Among the varieties of the hula were the /xiV nmauma,
(beating the chest), hulapahu (with a drum accompaniment), and
the hula pahu'a, besides which there were also the ala'a-papa, the
pa'ipa'i, the pa-ipu, tlie ulili, the kolani, and the kielei.
5. It was the custom of hula dancers to perform before the
rich in order to obtain gifts from them.
NOTE TO Cn.\PTER LIV.
The hula, like all other savage, Polynesian institutions degenerated and
went on the run to the bad tlie moment the white man appeared on the
scene. The activity and heat' of his passions started a fire that burnt up
all the properties at once. The hula in the ancient times was no better,
no worse than other of the Hawaiian. Polynesian institutions.
The modern hula is no more a fair and true representative of the savage
Hawaiian, or Polynesian dance than the Parisian cancan is of a refined
and civilized dance.
304
I regret that I cannot entirely concur with the view expressed above.
I believe that the hula in Hawaii-nei, like the Areoi society in Tahiti.
appealed largely to the baser instincts of the people, and had a debasing
influence on them.
But I admit that tliere were different kinds of hula in ancient times.
and that the worst form of it, (which had always been the most popular),
is the one that has survived, and furthermore that foreign influence has
helped to keep this relic of heathenism alive. W. D. A.
CHAPTER LV.
MOKOMOKO OR BOXING.
1. During the Makahiki season, when the Makahiki god made
his rounds, the people of different districts gathered at one place
and held boxing matches.
2. The multitude being seated in a circle, the backers of one
champion stood forth and vaunted the merits of their favorite,
who thereupon came forward and made a display of himself,
swaggering, boasting and doubling up his fists.
3. Then the other side followed suit, made their boasts, had
their man stand forth and show himself; and when- the cham-
pions came together they commenced to beat and pummel each
other with their fists.
4. If one of the boxers knocked down his opponent a shout
of exultation went up from those who championed him, and they
grossly reviled the other side, telling him perhaps to "go and
eat chicken-dung."
5. The one who fell was often badly maimed, having an amr
broken, an eye put out, or teeth knocked out. Great misery was^^
caused by these boxing matches.
NOTE TO CHAPTER LV.
The Hawaiians do not seem to have used the fore-arm, after the manner
of modern practitioners of the "noble art." Each boxer sought to receive
his opponent's blow with his own fist. This meeting of fist with fist was
very likely the cause of the frequent broken arms.
305
CHAPTER LVI.
HAKOKO — WRESTLING.
1. Hakoko or wrestling was a very popular sport in ancient
Hawaii. It was generally done in the midst of a large assembly
of people, as the boxing game, mokomoko, was.
2. The multitude formed a circle, and the wrestlers took their
stand in the centre, and then, having seized hold of each other,
they struggled to trip each other with the use of their feet, striv-
ing with all their might to throw each other to the ground.
3. The one who was thrown was beaten. A man who was
a strong and skillful wrestler was made much of. Wrestling
was much practiced about court, very little in the country districts.
CHAPTER LVn.
SUNDRY MINOR SPORTS.
I. In addition to the games mentioned, there were a great
many little informal sports. One of these was koi (a child's
game, played with a crooked stick, with which one dug into the
earth or sand, at the same time repeating some word-jingle or
other.)
Panapana (a child's game played with a niaUy the small midrif
of the coconut leaf. This was bent into the fonn of a bow in
the hand, and, being suddenly released, sprang away by its elas-
ticity.)
Honuhonu (a game in which one boy sat astride on the back
of another boy who was down on all-fours.)
Loulou. (Two persons would hook fingers together and then
pull to see who would hold out the longest, without letting go or
straightening out his finger.)
Pahipahi (played by slapping hands together, as in the game
"bean-porridge hot, bean-porridge cold,'' etc.)
Hookakaa (in which boys. turned over and over or turned
somersets on the grass or in the sand.)
3o6
•
LelC'koali (swinging on a swing suspended by a single line, for
which purpose the strong convolvulus vine, koali, was most often
used. When permitted, youths of both sexes delighted to enjoy
this sport together, the girl seated on the lap of the boy and
facing him.)
Lele-kazi*a (jumping off from a height into the deep water.)
Kaupiia (swimming or diving for a small, half-ripe gourd that
would barely float in the water.)
Pana-iole (shooting mice with bow and arrow. This was a
sport much practiced by kings and chiefs. It was the only use
which the Hawaiians made of the bow and arrow. A place some-
what like a cockpit was arranged in which to shoot the mice.)
Kuialua. (This was an exhibition of liia for amusement. Lua
was a murderous system of personal combat which combined
tricks of wrestling with bone-breaking, the dislocation of limbs,
and other thug-like methods that put it outside the pale of civil-
ized warfare. It was used by robbers.)
NOTES TO CHAPTER LVH.
It' seems remarkable that David Male should make no mention
of a large number of games that were of established vogue and popularity
among the ancient Hawaiians. Such as —
Konane, a game played with black and white pebbles on a checkerboard
laid out in squares at right angles to each oilier, the squares being
represented by hollows for the pebbles to rest in. The game consists in
moving one's pieces in such a way as to compel the opponent to take
them. The number of squares on the konane board was not' uniform. I
have seen them with nine on a side, making eighty-one in all ; I have
also seen them with such a number that the board was longer in one
direction than the other.
Hci, cat's cradle, is a game that deserves mention. There were many
figures into which the string was worked. It was a game at which the
genius of the Hawaiian was specially fitted to excel, for by nature he was
a born rigger, skilled in manipulating and tying ropes and knots.
Kimo, jack-stones, a game at which fhe Hawaiian boy, and more espe-
cially the Hawaiian girl excelled.
This list might be greatly extended.
Hoolclc-hipc, kite-flying, deserves special mention as a pastime that was
dear to the Hawaiian heart, and the practice of which recurred with the
regularity of the seasons.
307
CHAPTER LVIII.
THE FLOOD.
1. Long before the coming of the white people to Hawaii nei'
the Hawaiians had heard about the deluge. The strange thing
about it was that the Hawaiian kings did not know when this
deluge (kai-a-ka-hina-lii) , occurred, whether or not it was earlier
than their arrival at the Hawaiian shores.
2. The story was as follows : There was a woman of the sea
who lived in a land called Lalohana, which was far awav in the
ocean, for which reason she was called the woman of Lalohana.
3. There are two versions of this story given by the ancients.
On-e tradition has it that the place where the woman lived was
on a reef, named Mauna, situated in the ocean outside of Keau-
hou, in Kona, and that Lono was the name of the king who
reigned over the land at that time. Other ancient authorities
aver that this woman lived in the ocean outside of Waiakea,
Hilo, and that Konikonia was the reigning king at the tune.
But this Lono and this Konikonia, where did they come from?
Their names do not appear in the genealogies of the kings.
To take up the story of Konikonia, leaving that of Lono r
4. When Konikonia's fishermen on their excursions out to
.sea, let down their hooks to this fishing reef (koa lawaia^) on
pulling up the lines their hooks were gone. They had not felt
the tremor of the lines; the hooks had evidently been removed
by this woman of the sea.
5. The fishermen returned and reported to Konikonia, saying,
"The disappearance of our hooks was mysterious. The quiver
of the line was not perceived ; the hooks were cut away just as
if there were a man down below on the reef." Now, there
was at this time with Konikonia a man, named Kuula, the
brother of Lalohana, who had come out of the ocean. But Koni-
konia was not aware that Kuula was from the ocean.
6. This Kuula explained to Konikonia and his fishermen that
their hooks had been cut away by men, "Because," said he, "the
place where you were fishing is a large town, in which men and
women live under the ocean."
3o8
7 — 8. Then Konikonia asked Kuula, "Are you from that
place?" **Yes, I come from there," said Kiiula. "Have you a
sister in the ocean?" said Konikonia. "I have a sister/' answered
Kuula, "and she it was who cut away the hooks of your fislier-
nien." "Go and ask your sister to be my wife," said Konikonia.
9. "She has a husband, a carved image, (Kane kii) named
Kiimalnahaku,^ and she loves him," replied Kuula. "Tell me
of some way by which I can have that woman for myself," said
Konikonia.
10, II. 12, 13. "If you wish to get that wom'an for yourself,
now, just carve a large image; smooth it oft nicely and paint it
of a dark colo;: ; let it have eyes of pearl ; cover its head with
hair and finallv dress it in a malo. This done, lav this one im-
age in the corner of the house with some tapas. Tw^o other im-
ages must be placed at the door of the house, one on either side ;
two at the entrance of the pa (enclosure) ; other figwres must be
placed in line from the entrance of the pa down to the beach.
This done, you must have trumpets blown on the canoes from
the bay clear out to the fishing reef. Put an image in each boat
in the line extending from the bay to the reef. Tie an image to
a line and let it down into the water a fathom ; then tie on an-
other, and so on."
14. "Now this woman's husband, Kiimaluahaku, is absent just
now at Kuku-lu-o-Kahiki^ and it is likely that, when she sees
the image coming down, she will think it is Kiimaluahaku, her
husband, and she will accordingly go out to meet him, and thus
she will come ashore here; for she is very fond of images."
15. Konikonia immediately set to work and made the images
according to Kuula's directions, and w^hen completed they were
set up from the house to the reef, as directed.
16. All being ready, they sent down an image to the fishing
reef, and when the woman saw it standing at the door of her
house under the ocean, behold, said she to herself, it is mv bus-
band, Kiimaluakahaku.
17. Then she called out, "O Kii, O Kiikamaluakahaku, so you
have been to Kukulu-o-Kaliiki and returned, and here you are
standing outside of our place. Come, come in to the house."
But no; the image did not enter.
3^9
i8. Then she approached the image to kiss it ; and when she
saw there was another image above it she left the first image and
went up to kiss the second. So she went on, kissing one image
after another, until she had risen from the bottom to the surface
of the ocean, where the canoes w ere floating.
19 — 20. When the wctfnan saw the images stationed in the
line of canoes, she went along kissing one after the other until
she came to the shore : and then she went on to kiss the images*
in succession that stood in line until she had reached the house
Then seeing the image that was lying in the corner of the \\o\u0
she went and lay dow^n alongside of it.
21. The woman then fell into a deep sleep; and, the imi^gc
having been taken away, Konikonia moved up clase to \wx h^uI
lay by her side. When it came evening the woman awoke c^ud
seeing Konikonia lying at her side, they embraced each other. . .
22. Then the woman said to Konikonia, **I am h\mgry. Send
a man to fetch my food. Let him go to my fishing reef and hriug
it. He must dive down and, having opened, he uuibt eutev \\\^
house that stands by itself, thence let him bring the cmvhuuU
dish that he will find at one side of the house, but he utUiit WuX
open the dish." The man went and did as he was hjihleu.
23. On his return the woman ojiened the nn^oniU ilish- auil
instantly the food that was therein flew up into the Ijeavens. uiul
it was the moon of two days old. The crescent tif (he uwuiU
which shone clear and bright alx)ve, was keiii; and Ihul |un I that
glimmered below was ana/* When the wr>inan saw ihal hi-i fnud
was gone she was filled with regret.
24 — ^25. On the fourth day of that same month th-L- woman
said to Konikonia, *T have been ashore^ here four /|ayb. My pa-
rents are now looking for nixf. 1 hey will search for me in the
ocean, and, not finding me there, will pr^K^ecd i/> hum itjv ur- tm
the land/' **Who are your parejits?" aske<1 l</xjikonia. **Ka-
hina-lii is my father, and Hina-ka-alu-alu-moana is njy uvxher/'
said she, "WiU your j>arenls o^nxe up Jiere />*)lo the laud ?" asked
Kcwiikonia.
26. '*Thev will not come up in jx rs'^n/' said she. "but this
ocean that swims before us, that will c^>me in search of me.
310
This ocean will rise up and flood the whole land. In what place,
pray, shall I be hidden, and you saved from this destructive del-
uge that is coming?"
27. **Is it the ocean itself that will seek you?" asked Koni-
konia. "It is my brothers, the paoo fish, that will come in search
of me," said the woman, "but it is the ocean that will rise in
order to lift them and enable them to advance and search for
me." "Let us flee to the mountains," said Konikonia.
28. Then thev fled to the mountains. "Let us take to the
tallest trees," said the woman, whereupon they climbed the tall-
est trees and built houses in their tops.
29. After ten days had passed Ka-hina-lii sent the ocean, and
It rose and overwhelmed the land from one end to the other.
30. The people fled to the mountains, and the ocean covered
the mountains; they climbed the trees, and the waters rose and
covered the trees and drowned them all.
31. The ocean kept on rising until it had reached the door
of Konikonia's house, but Konikonia and his household were not
drowned, because the waters then began to subside; and when
the waters had retreated, Konikonia and his people returned to
their land.
32. This is the story of the deluge which has been handed
^own by tradition from the ancients. Traditions are not as relia-
l)le as genealogies. Genealogies can be trusted to some extent.
The ancients were misinformed. This we know because we have
"heard the story of Noah, and that does not tally with our tradi-
tion of the Kai-a-ka-hina-lii. For this reason this tradition of
rthe Kai-a-ka-hina-lii can not be of Hawaiian origin. It was heard
"by the ancients and finally came to be accepted by them as be-
longing to Hawaii nei.
NOTES TO CHAPTER LVIII.
(i) Sect. I. There is no doubt but that the Hawaiians, like all the
other Polynesian tribes, had traditions regarding a flood. The conclu-
sions properly to be deduced from this fact are well worthy of considera-
tion ; but not here and now.
(2) Sect. 4. Ko'a lawai'a; Ko'a, was the same applied to any reef;
a reef on which fish were taken was called a ko'a lawai'a. These ko'a
lawai'a were generally quite a distance from land and were located by
two cross ranges from points on land. Lawaia, from lawc-ia, i. e., to
311
take fish. In the Maori this would be toka-rawe-ika. The change from
r to a is, I think for euphony, a matter which very much concerned the
Hawaiian ear ; the Maori r has become / in Hawaiian ; the t b, k; and the
k in the Maori form toka and ika has been dropped, gnawed away by
the tooth of time.
(3) Sect. 9. Kii-ma-luahaku : There is a god named Ruahatu men-
tioned in the Tahitian and Marquesan legends.
(4) Sect. 14. Kukulu o Kahiki: In regard to this geographical ex-
pression, Mr. S. Percy Smith says " Kukulu-o-Kahiki is in my opinion
the Fiji group. It would take too long to explain. In N. Z. we have
tuturU'O-Hiti, (or Whiti) and Te-mau-o-Hiti, which mean the same, i. e.,
the original, permanent, true Hiti.
One cannot doubt' the correctness of so eminent an authority in his
exposition of the Maori view and meaning of the expression; but I can-
ont escape the conviction that the phrase kukulu-o-Kahiki, like so many
others which the Hawaiians brought with them from fhe South, im-
posing, however, their own linguistic modifications, came in time to have,
as it evidently now has, a different meaning from that ofjts original use.
I believe that it came to have a general reference to the region about
Tahiti; even Tahiti came to be applied to almost any foreign land; but
that was in comparatively late times, long aft'er the period of communica-
tion, when it was not an uncommon thing for voyages to be made between
Hawafi and the groups to the South. (See chapter V for what' Mr. Malo
has to say on this subject.) Kukulu meant an erection, applied therefore
to a wall or vertical support, the pillars that supported the dome of
heaven, according to the cosmogony of the ancient Hawaiians, as well as
the Polynesians. Criticism of Hawaiian tradition must stand firmly on
Hawaiian soil and take tfhe Hawaiian point of view.
(5) Sect. 2S. Kctia, means the satisfying of thirst, ana to drink suffi-
ciently, to satiate, as with food. There is a myth — Hawaiian — of an old
woman who, to get rid of her troubles, went' up to the moon ; but I do not
see that this story has any reference to that, nor can I find any story that
bears on this kena and ana.
CHAPTER LIX.
TRADITIONS REGARDING THE ANCIENT KINGS.
I. The histories of the ancient kings, from Ke-alii-wahi-lani^
and his wife, La'ilai^ down, from Kahiko^ and his wife Kupu-
lana-ka-hau^ down, and from Wakea^ and his wife Papa^ down
to the time of Liloa, are but scantily and imperfectly preserved.
We have, however, it is true, a fragmentary, traditional knowl-
edge of some kings. Of the kings from Liloa to Kamehameha I
we have probably a fair historical knowledge.
312
2. GENEALOGY OF THE KINGS FROM WAKEA
TO LILOA :
31 Hema,
32 Kahai,
33 Wahieloa,
34 Laka,
35 Lnanuu,
36 Pohukaina,
67 Hua,
38 Pau,
39 Hiianuiikalailai,
40 Paumakua,
41 Haho,
42 Palena,
43 Hanalaanni,
44 Lanakawai,
45 Laan,
46 Pill,
47 Koa,
48 Ole,
49 Kukohoii,
50 Kaninhi,
51 Kanipahu,
52 Kalapaua,
53 Kahaimoelea,
54 Kalaiinuiohua,
55 Kiiaiwa,
56 Kohoukapn,
57 Kauhola,
58 Kiha,
59 Liloa.
We have some traditional knowledofe of these kings, but noth-
ing very definite.
3. WAKEA. We have the following traditions regarding
Wakea. He was the last child of Kahiko, the first born of Ka-
hiko, and the elder brother of Wakea being Lihaii-iila, to whom
Kahiko bequeathed his land, leaving Wakea destitute.
I
Wakea,
2
Haloa,
3
Waia,
4
Hinanalo,
5
Nanakehili,
6
Wailoa,
7
Kio,
8
Ole,
9
Pupue,
10
Manaku,
IT
Lukahakoa,
12
Luanuu,
13
Kahiko,
14
Kii,
15
Ulu,
16
Nanaie,
17
Nanailani,
18
Waikulani,
19
Kuheileinioana,
20
Konohiki,
21
Wanena,
22
Akalana,
23
Maui,
24
Nanamaoa,
25
Nanakulei,
26
Nanakaoko,
27
Nanakuae,
28
Kapawa,
29
Heleipawa,
30
Aikanaka,
3iS
4. After the death of Kahiko, Lihau-uloi^ made \\zr against
Wa-kea. The councillor of Lihau-ula had tried to dissuade him.
saying, *'Don't let us go to war with Wakea at this time. We
shall be defeated by him, because this is a time of sun-light : the
sun has melting power (no ka tnea he an kcia no ka la, he la hcc.)
5. Lihau-ula, however, considered that he had a large force
of men, while Wakea had but a small force, his pride was up
and he gave battle. In the engagement that followed Lihau-ula
lost his life, killed by Wa-kea, the blond one, (ka chu), and his
kingdom went to Wa-kea.
6. After Wa-kea came to the government he had war \\*ith
Kane-ia-kumu-honua,^ in which Wa-kea was routed and oblir-ed
to swim out into the ocean with all his people.
7. Tradition gives two versions to the story of this war. Ac-
cording to one the battle took place in Hawaii ; Wakea was
defeated and Kane-ia-kumu-honua pursued him as far as Kaula,
where Wakea and his followers took to the ocean (an ma ka wo-
ana. )
8. Another ancient tradition has it that the battle was not
fought in Hawaii, but in Kahiki-ku ; and that Wakea, being
routed, swam away in the ocean with all his people.
9. From swimming in the ocean Wakea and his followers
were at length reduced to great straits, and he appealed to his
priest (kahuna-pule), Komoawa, saying, "What shall we do to-
day to save our lives?''
10. II, 12. "Build a heiau to the deity," answered Komoawa.
"There is no wood here with which to build a heiau, noa a />/Jsr
with which to make a suitable offering to the god/' answered
Wakea. "There is wood and there is a pig," said Komoawa.
"Lift up your right hand ; hollow the palm of your hand into a
cup, and then elevate the fingers." Wakea did so, and Komo-
awa said, "The house is built. Now pinch together the fingers
of the left hand into a cone and put the finger-tips into the hollow
of your right hand." When Wakea had done this, Komaiwa
declared, "The heiau is now completed ; only the prayer is wnnt-
mg.
314
13- "Gather all your people together," said Konioawa, and that
was done, and the charm, or aha, of the ceremony was perfect.
14. Then Komoawa asked Wakea, *'How was the aha of our
ceremony?" "It was good," answered Wakea. **We are saved
then," said Komoawa; "let us swim ashore."
15. Then Wakea and his people swam ashore with great
shouting; and, on reaching the land, they renewed the battle
with Kane-ia-kumu-honua, and utterly defeated him. In this
way the government was permanently secured to Wakea.
There is a fanciful tradition that has con>e down from the an-
cients that some of those who went a swimming with Wakea
are still swimming about, and that tlie name of one of them is
Kamamoe.
t6. There is a doubtful story about Wakea and Hoo-hoku-
ka-lani.^ A venerable tradition has it that Hoo-hoku-ka-lani was
the daughter of Wakea and Papa, but that Wakea incestuously
took her to wife.
17. Another tradition says that Hoo-hoku-ka-lani was the
daughter of Komoawa, by his wife, Popo-kolo-nuha, and that
Wakea was justified in consorting with Hoo-hoku-ka-lani, see-
ing she was of another family and not his own daughter.
18. It is asserted by tradition^^ of Wakea that he was the
one who instituted the four seasons of prayer in each month, and
that he also imposed the tabu on pork, coconuts, bananas and
the red fish (kumu), besides declaring it tabu for men and women
to eat together in the uwa.
19. Because of Wakea's desire to commit adultery (incest)
with his daughter, Hoo-kohu-ka-lani, he set apart certain nights
as tabu, and during those nights he slept with Hoo-hoku-ka-lani.
On Wakea's over-sleeping himself, his priest, seeing it was al-
ready daylight, called to Wakea with the following words of
prayer to awake him :
20 I E ala-ati akn, c ala-att inai,
2 E ala Makia, Makia a Hano}^
A ha no ke aka,^^ ke aka kuhea,
O kc aka kii i Hikina,
vt;. 7»fiij fi/i itt, s T-^k* ».»<»:%.. ;i, :.: v i. ,
-^-^wafet- ii5ii.-m. \44iVi*i >^V; yVn HSriN^ '
Ttehem4tjj> .!> i-v nWk^xs- Vtk v^s^i^^^^ Vi \^m\ \\]y: M\\r
The pikvl ^^^> x^U^.U.. ^W \\Um\ )\)\y\)\^. )\) \\)\ p ))) ]\y
A nisJi of \v»ft^ri»» rt rt>^H| .
Bound with « t>\U)\\^ >>)vhh)H d; ih.n ) )))
^ lo The curtains t^f MJl^lli ,H^ llh>)l )|)) \,)\ \\ ^^^ >>
The king's Im>imh if *1m^I)>>I .ilh v) jH) \]\ \\^^ \),]^ i i»^
Awake! I/) i\u 'U.v i.- >>iiii> I
kahuna prayed iu<>iv ii J viiiJh i> |" .»ii)i^^ ilh .thi^ j-tt-.i | m ||||
Wakea did ikM awak*
22. WJr'M thf hUii Ji>.ul ii.»n \V.il«.i .11.' • .ui>l ' 'I I • J '•'"'
self in his laj/it Uj ^o h, iju /////</ ilmj i-i,. ih.ii 1 •! ■ '• •'' ' "• '
see him. But F.iA]y;i ilul .,\y Imn .m*! . . m'..... . !■ il.- <'.•. .i.i-i.-'i
the wwt/ lo upl>iiJi;^i '^^.il■*,' »V.i! • .. ii.. i. !■ •! i- • I ■■ i i- i
hoiiM-. uouiy vvi«^' lit ''/iiii. I'. |. ••! I*. '<•<! -M'. il !
vorce(; iic»
hc*ti ii U- ;iAi«^UA>;4' . '>' • • •• • ^!.'
J it' oU'.^. K.' -..<
Vi •:•■"■■ » ■ . ; . . .' . / ■ . f
! . . h
(i) Sect. I. Kc-alii-wahi'lani, literally, the king who rends or breaks
the heavens. The ancient Hawaiians conceived of the heavens, the visible
sky, as a solid dome. The exact meaning that lies back of this figurative
expression, the hyponoia, as Max Miiller would say, is open to different
interpretations, and of course presents insuperable difficulties to any one
who would try to define it ; but' it clearly refers to some heavenly pheno-
menon or phenomena. Diligent comparison with the myths of Southern
Polynesia might help to clear up the intent of this expression. That
Wahi'lani was, or came to be, regarded as a veritable personage is evident
from the following ancient mele:
"O wahi-lani, o ke alii o Oahu,
I holo aku i Kahiki,
I na pae-tnoku o Moa-ulanui-akca,
E keckcehi % ka hotipu o Kane a me Kanaloa."
Wahi-lani, king of Oahu,
Who sailed away to Tahiti.
To the islands of Moa-ula-nui-akea,
To trample the bosom* of Kane and Kanaloa.*^
a By the bosom of Kane and Kanaloa was probably meant the land and
the sea; to trample them was therefore t'o travel by land and by sea.
l> Quoted to me as from a mele published in the *6o*s in "/Ca Hoku o
ka Pakipika'*, a Hawaiian newspaper of Honolulu, edited by the lale .
John M. Kapena, and issued under the management of Prince David,
later King Kalakaua.
(2) Sect. I. Lai-lai. (i) physical, calm and peacefulness ; (2) joy
and light-heart'edness.
(3) Sect. I. Kahiko, the ancient one. It is to be noted that in this
account we find no mention of Po, Night, the original Darkness and
Chaos that enveloped the world. Ku, Kane, Kanaloa, Lono and perhaps
some of the other deities are said to be no ka po mai, to date back to the
night, a time far antecedent to history and tradition.
(4) Sect. I. Kupu-lana-ka-hati, a phrase difficult of interpretation.
To my mind it conveys the idea of fogs and floating mists, perhaps ?.1so
of ice-masses. Hau at the present time means ice and snow. It is said
to be a female element, receptive rather than active therefore. A Hawaiian
of intelligence as well as of considerable critical faculty gives it as his
opinion that in this word is typified the formation and development of land,
though still in a wild and inhospitable condition, perhaps covered with
ice and snow. He informs me that ice was formerly termed wai-puolo-
i-ka-lau-laau, water-wrapped-up-in-leaves ; the reason being that when ice
or frozen snow was first' met with the people who came across it in the
mountains wrapped it up in leaves, and, finding it reduced to water on
reaching home, gave to it this name descriptive of their experience.
Ke-hau is the name given to dew, it having absorbed the article ke. It i*
clear, if seems to me, that kupu-lana-ka-hau is expressive of some form
of phenomenon due to water, either in the form of clouds or mists or
frozen into ice and snow.
(5) Sect. I. IVa-kea, modern awa-kea, means noon, undoubtedly fig-
urative of the sky, the light of day, the vivifying influence of the sun.
In Sect. 5, Wakea is spoken of as the chu, the blond, the bright',, the
shining one, an epithet that conveys the same idea as the Sanscrit deva.
Wakea, it seems needless to remark, is represented to be the vivifying
male element, which, as hinted at or plainly stated in the myths of Poly-
nesia, was in the remote ages of Po torn from the close embrace of Pai>a.
Earth, and placed in its present position.
(6) Sect. I. Papa, the female element, the generatrix, the plain or
level of the Earth's surface, hence the Earth itself. Papa is the name
applied to a stratum, a level formation, a table; it is a name frequently
met with.
(7) Sect. 4. Li/iau-ula: The exact meaning of this word is not clear.
It seems to refer to some effect of light shooting through the drifting
clouds that remain undissipated. Wa-kea, the bright one, is still repre-
sented as being at war with the unsubdued elements of darkness and
cold(?), which he finally overcomes, routing and driving out Lihau-ula.
He thus gains possession of the kingdom of his father, Kahiko. His
victory is ascribed to the fact that "it is a time of sunlight, the sun Ras
power to melt" — no ka ir.ca he an kcia no ka la, he la hee.
(8) Sect. 6. Kane-ia-kumu-houua, Kane the foimder of the earth, or
Kane at the foundations of the earth, sometimes spoken of as Kane'luh4-
honua, Kane the shaker of the earth, the one who causes earth-quakes.
Having gained the victory over darkness, clouds and cold, Wakea is for
a time routed and put to flight by the deity that shakes the foundations of
the earth, which may be naturally supposed to be a volcanic eruption,
accompanied with earth-tremors and a darkening of the heavens, obscur-
ing the light of the Sun on the land but leaving it bright at sea. It is
well to remark that the religious services, incantations some would call
them, which are performed to relieve the situation, are of the simplest
form, suited to the occasion, a lifting of the hands, a prayer, a lesson to
all formalists.
(9) Sect. 16. Hoo-hokii-ka-lani, to bestud the heavens with stars, the
starry sky, the stars of heaven, the offspring of Wakea and Papa, i. e., of
Heaven and Earth. The action of the drama reaches its summit of in-
terest in the passion of Wakea for his own daughter, H oo-hoku-ka-lani,
Star-of-heaven. It is to be noted as a proof of the simple faith with
which David Malo accepts this tradition as based on a historic foundation
of fact, that he actually seeks to extenuate Wakea's offense by ascribing
the paternity of the maiden, Hoo-hoku-ka-lani, to the old priest, Komo-
awa. ThisVstory is evidently an after-thought, gotten up to save Wakea's
reputation. To admit such evidence would be the spoiling of a fine solar
myth (aside). The dalhance of the lovers is kept up Ji^B|h|saf e time
3i8
in the morning ; daylight conies and they are still in each other's company
— the stars of morning continue to shine after the sun is in the heavens.
The priest comes with a friendly warning; Wakea sleeps on; Papa comes
forth from her chamber and discovers the situation and the row is pre-
cipitated at once.
According to one version the divorce of Papa was accomplished by
Wakea spitting in the face of the woman whom he turned away; according
to another account it was Papa herself who did the spitting — who had
more occasion? — and it almost seems as if something of the sort was
indicated in the word mukcha in the 6th line. Having poured on Wakea
the scorn and contempt which he deserved. Papa befook herself to the
remote regions of Kukulu-o-Kahiki, while Wakea continued his intimacy
with Hoo-hoku-ka-lani, by whom he had Molokai and Lanai as off-spring.
Papa, according to the same version, had already given birth to Hawaii
and Maui. But in the case of Papa blood proved thicker than water ; she
could not bear the thought of a fruitful rival taking her place in the affec-
tions of her husband, **her womb became jealous;" she returned to her
husband: the result was the birth of Oahu, Kauai and Kauai's little
neighbor, Niihau.
1. O Wakea noho ia Papa-hanau-moku,
2. lianau o Hawaii, he moku,
3. Hanau Maui, he moku
4. Hoi hou Wakea noho ia Hoo-hoku-ka-lani,
5. Hanau Molokai, he moku,
6. Hanau o Lanai ka ula, he moku,
7. Lili-opu-punalua Papa ia Hoo-hoku-kalani,
•8. Hoi hou o Papa noho ia Wakea,
9. Hanau o Oahu, he moku,
10. Hanau o Kauai, he moku,
11. Hanau Niihau, he moku,
12. He ula-a o Kahoolawe.
1. Wakea lived with Papa, begetter of islands,
2. Begotten was Hawaii, an island,
3. Begotten was Maui, an island,
4. Wakea made a new departure and lived with Hoo-hoku-kalani,
5. Begotten was Molokai, an island,
6. Begotten was red Lanai, an island.
7. The womb of Papa became jealous at its partnership with Hoo-hoku-
ka-lani,
8. Papa returned and lived with Wakea,
9. Begotten was Oahu, an island,
10. Begotten was Kauai, an island,
11. Begotten was Niihau, an island,
13. A red rock was Kahoolawe.
3t9
There are numerous variants to this story; one of them seeks to give
a more human and historical turn to the narrative, and explains the op-
portunity by which Wakea gained access t'o his daughter's couch, or
rather by which he smuggled her to his own cottage, by stating that,
advised by his kahuna, he had imposed a tabu which separated him from
his wife's bed at certain seasons of prayer in each month.
But the real significance of the narrative, as I understand it, lies not so
much in the special human incidents which make up this sun-myth, as
in the fact that there is a sun-myth at all, that the heavenly phenomena
which daily and nightly unrolled tliemselves before these Polynesians,
were at one time in the remote past translated by their poets and thinkers
into terms of human passion. Granted the myth-making faculty at all —
and most races seem to have possessed it at some time, the form the myth
shall take and the human incidents with which it shall be clothed, ' will
be determine by the habits and ruling propensities of the people them-
selves.
This solar myth from Polynesia reads as if it had been taken straight
from Aryan head-quarters. Is this similarity to be explained, as in the
case of the Hellenes, from their having rocked in the same race-cradle,
aye sucked at the same paps, or, because they carried with them out into
the Pacific the memory of those old myths tliat they learned from their
masters, or from those who drove them forth from the plains of India?
or, is it that being human, they had the same myth-making faculty tliat
shows itself in the other races of the earth? The question whether the re-
semblance is the result* of historical contact, or a coincidence of inde-
pendent growth is a question beyond our power to answer. Whatever
view one takes of it, there can be no doubt that the ancient Polynesians
were the equals of the Aryans or tlie Hellenes in the art of projecting
the lies, thefts and adulteries that embroidered their own lives into the
courts of heaven.
(lo) Sect. i8. The assertion that the tabu-system originated in the
concupiscence of Wakea is merely equivalent to saying that the origin of
the system is not known.
(ii) Sect. 20. Makia a Hano: Makia is evidently a special name for
Wakea, and Hano, a name belonging to some ancestor.
(12) Sect'. 20. A hano ke aka: There may perhaps' be an intentional
antithesis between hano and kuhea. Hano primarily means silent, while
kuhea, a compound word from ku, to stand, and hca, to call, therefore to
proclaim, to herald. Such antitheses are in fine accord with the genius
of Hawaiian poetry.
(13) Sect. 20. Mo, an elided form of moku.
(14) Sect'. 20. Lani, literally sky, a title frequently applied to a king
or chief.
320
CHAPTER LX.
HALOA, THE SON OF WAKEA.
1. We have a fragment of tradition regarding Haloa. The
lirst born son of Wakea was of premature birth (keiki ahialu)
and was given the name of Haloa-naka, The little thing died,
however, and its body was buried in the ground at one end of
the house. After a while from the child's body shot up a taro
plant, the leaf of which was named lau-kapa-lili, quivering leaf;
but the stem wasgiven the name Haloa.
2. After that another child was bom to them, whom they
called Haloa, from the stalk of the taro. He is the progenitor
■of all the peoples of tlie earth.
CHAPTER LXI.
WAIA, THE SON OF HALOA.
1. Tradition gives us some account of Waia, the son of
Haloa.
2. According to the traditions handed down by the ancient
Havvaiians, the government of Waia was extremely corrupt. He
was so absorbed in the pursuit of pleasure that he disregarded
the instructions of his father, to pray to the gods, to look well
after the affairs of the kingdom, and to take good care of his
people, so that the country might be prosperous.
3 — 4. It is said that during Waia's reign a portent was seen in
the heavens, a head without a body, and a voice came from it,
uttering the words, *'What king on the earth below lives an hon-
est life?" The answer returned was "Kahiko/''^ Then the voice
came a second time from the head and asked the question, "What
good has Kahiko done?''
5. Again came the answer from below, "Kahiko is well skilled
in all the departments of the government ; he is priest and diviner;
lie looks after the people in his government ; Kahiko is patient and
forbearing."
321
6. Thereupon the voice from the portent said, ''Then it is Ka-
hiko who is the righteous, the benevolent man."
7. Again the head asked, "What king on earth lives corrupt-
ly ?" Then the people of the earth answered with a shout, "Waia^
is the wicked king." "What sin has he committed?" asked the
head.
8. "He utters no prayers, he employs no priests, he has no
diviner, he knows not how to govern," said the people.
9 "Then he is the wicked king," said the head, and there-
upon it withdrew into the heavens. > '
10. During Waia's reign Hawaii nei was visited by a pesti^
lence, ina'i ahulau, which resulted in a great mortality among the
people. Only twenty-six p>ersons were left alive, and tlie.se were
saved and cured by the use of two remedies, pilikcri and lolou
11. This pestilence was by the ancients called Ikiptiahola.
12. Kama, the Hawaiian medicine-man (kahuna-lapaau) ,
gave it as his opinion that the ikiptiahola was of the same nature
as the okuu, the pestilence which appeared in 1804 in the reign
of Kamehameha I.
13. Kama made this statement to his grandson Kuauau, and
one year before the appearance of this pestilence Kama foretold
its arrival. The circumstances wefe as follows:
14. Kamehameha was at Kawaihae making preparations for
his Pclelen expedition to Oahu. At that time Kama was taken
sick unto death when he made the following statement to Ku-
auau.
15. "I am about to die, but you will witness a great pestilence
that is soon to make its appearance among us. You will doubt-
less be weary and worn out with your labors as a physician, be-
cause this is the same disease as that which raged in the time of
Waia. Ikipuahola is the name of it. It is the same as that
pestilence which slew all but twenty-six of the population of
Hawaii."
16. "How do you know that this disease is the same as Iki-
puahola?" asked Kuauau. To this Kama answered, "My in-^
structor once told me that if a distemper associated with buboe.s^
(Iwha'i), and a skin eruption (meeau), were to show itself, a
short time thereafter this disease would make its appearance. So
the ancients told him, and so my preceptor Kalua told nic."
322
ly. After that Kamehameha sailed for Oahu and the pesti-
lence in truth made its appearance, raging from Hawaii to Kauai.
A vast number of people died and the name Okti'u was applied
to it.
i8. After Waia's time another pestilence called Hai-lepo in-
vaded the land and caused the death of a large number of the
people. Only sixteen recovered, being saved by the use of a medi-
cine which was composed of some kind of earth (Jepo). The
name of the king during whose reign this epidemic occurred has
escaped me.
1 8. I have not heard the traditions of the kings that succeeded
Waia, until we come to the time of Maui. The traditions that
have come to me of Maui are false (zvaha-hee), lies, and I re
peat no falsehoods.
20. The traditions of the kings that succeeded Maui, until
we come to Kapawa, are not known. But tradition informs us
with certainty of the place of birth and death of the kings from
Kapawa to Paumakua.
NOTES TO CHAPTER LXI.
(i) Kahiko, the remote past. This answer smacks of the notion which
locates the golden age in the remote past, a time when men were good and
true and pure, a sentiment not confined to Hawaii.
(2) IVai-a' : This word is now used in the sense of foul, polluted,
Its use here is probably figurative.
(3) Sect. 16. This symptom resembles the chief feature of bubonic
plague.
CHAPTER LXII.
KAPAWA.
1. Kapawa was a chief who was born at Kukaniloko.^ dis-
trict of Waialua, island of Oahu. He died at Lahaina, on Maui,
and his bones were taken to lao valley.
2. Hele-i-pazca was a chief who was born at Lelekea, Kaa-
pahu, in Kipahulu on the island of Maui. He died at Poukcla
323
and his bones were deposited at Ahulili. (Fornander — The Poly-
nesian Race, Vol. 2, p. 21, — regards Heleipawa as another name
for Kapawa.)
3. Aikanaka was a chief born at Holonokiu, Muolea, Hana,
Maui. He died at Oneuli, Puuolai, Honuanla, and his bones were
laid to rest at lao. (According to the Ulu genealogy Aikanaka
was the grand-son of Heleipawa.)
4. Puna and Hcmd^ were chiefs who were born in ''Haumi-
kua-ula" at Kauiki, Maui. Hema died in Kahiki, i. e., foreign
lands, and his bones were left at Ulupaupau.
5. Kafia'fi was a chief who was bom at Kahalulukahi, Wai-
luku, Maui. He died at Kailikii in Kau; his bones were de-
posited in lao.
6. Wahid Oil was a king who was bom at Wailau, in Kau,
Hawaii; died a: Koloa, in Punaluu, Kau; buried at Alae, in
Kipahulu, Maui.
7. Laka^ was a king who was born at Haili, Hawaii; died
at Kualoa, Oahu ; was buried at lao.
8. Lua-nuu was a king who was bom at Peckauai, in Wai-
mea, on Kauai; he died at Honolulu, Oahu, and was buried in
Nuuanu.
9. Pohukaina, a king, was bom at Kahakahakea, in Kau, died
at Waimea, Hawaii, and was buried at Mahiki.
10. Hua was a king, who was born at Kahona, Lahaina, Ma-
ui ; died at Kehoni on the same island, and was buried at lao.
IT. Pqu, the son of Hua, was a king who was born at a place
in Kewalo on Oahu ; died on Molokai and was buried at lao.
12. Hua (nui-i-ka-lailai) , the son of Pau, was a king who was
born at Ohikilolo in Waianae, on Oahu. He died on I^nai and
his hnDnes were deposited at lao.
13. Paumakua^ was a king of Oahu who was born at Kua-
aoht, on Oahu. He died on Oahu and his bones were laid to
rest at lao.
14. HahoJ^ Traditions regarding this king are scanty.
Of Palcna tradition says that he had two sons, of whom the
elder, called Hana-lac-nui, was in the line of the Hawaii kings,
and the younger, Hana-laa-iki, was of the line of Maui kings.
324
IS- Puna-imua was one of the ancestors of kings on Oahu
and on Kauai, Henia of kings on Hawaii.
i6. Of traditions regarding Latiakawai, Laau, Pili, Koa, Ole,
Kukohou, Kaniuhi, I have heard none. Of Kani-pahu we have
this:
17. Kani-pahu was from Hawaii, but, the kingdom being
seized by Kamaiole, he left Hawaii and took refuge at Kalae on
Molokai, where he lived incognito. He took to wife a woman of
Kalae, and by his father-in-law was so frequently set to the work
of carrying burdens — water and other things — that he contracted
callosities on his shoulders.
18. Kani-pahu had two sons on Hawaii named Kalapana and
Kalahuimokti. Alaikatiakoko was the mother of Kalapana and
Hua-lani the motlier of Kalahuiinoku.
19. Now these two boys had been brought up in retirement
in the country, without the knowledge of Kamaiole, because if
Kamaiole had known them to be the sons of king Kanipahu, he
would have put them to death.
20. At that time Kamaiole reigned as king over Hawaii. It
happened that while Kamaiole was making a tour of that island
some of his boon companions abducted and seduced the good
looking wives of certain country folk and took them for. them-
selves.
21. These people whose wives had been taken from them
came before Kamaiole and appealed to him to have their women
returned to them. But Kamaiole took the part of his own favor-
ites and the women were not returned to their husbands.
22. Thereupon these men became greatly incensed against
Kamaiole ami they secretly consulted Paao that they might put
Kamaiole to death. Paao's advice to them was, "Yes, he should
be killed; but first secure another king."
23. Paao accordingly sent a messenger to Kanipahu, who was
living at Kalae, on Molokai. On his arrival at Kalae the messen-
ger went before Kanipahu, bearing in his hand a pig as a gift,
and coming into his presence he said, **I have come to ask you
to return and be the king of Hawaii. The people of Hawaii have
rejected Kamaiole as unworthy.'^
24. Then Kanipahu considered the callous bunches on his neck
(kona liokua, ua Icho), and he was ashamed to return to Hawaii.
325
His answer to the messenger was, "I will not return with you;
but go to Waimanu; there you will find my peeping fledgeling
(ioio moa) Kalapana. He will be a king for you. He is my own
offspring, in the care of his mother Alaikauakoko, who lives at
Waimanu. Make him your king."
NOTES TO CHAPTER LXII.
(i) Sect. I. It was held to be a most distinguished honor to be born
at Kukaniloko. Queens in expectation of motherhood were accustomed
to go to Kukaniloko in advance that' by undergoing the pains of labor in
that place fhey might confer oij their offspring this inestimable boon.
Kapawa is mentioned in legends as "Ke alii o Waialua" indicating that
he may have passed his youth in that district. Tradition informs us that
for some fauh, whether of personal character or of government, we are
not told, Kapawa was deposed from his government. A chief named Pili
Kaaiea was prevailed upon by the king-maker Paao to come to Ha>yaii
and assume kingly authority. Kapawa was undoubtedly a weak and de-
graded character. The fact that in spite of having been deposed from the
throne he died at Lahaina, in peace so far as we know, and that his
bones received the distinguished honor of sepulture in the royal burying
place in lao valley, argues that his unfitness for rule depended upon his
own personal weakness and debasement rather than upon outbreaks of
violence and cruelty. Kapawa was the last of his line, the Nana genealogy.
(2) Sect. 4. It were a shame to allow this barren, truncated state-
ment to pass current in its present form. It was the period of communi-
cation between Hawaii and the archipelagoes of the South Pacific. Great
navigators, guided by the stars, steered their canoes and successfully
voyaged from Hawaii to the lands, principally in the South, known to
them as Kukulu-o-Kahiki.
Hawaii-kua-uli is a poetical expression meaning "verdure-clad-Hawaii."
The following mele celebrates the deeds of Hema.
Holo Hcma i Kahiki, ki'i i ke apo ula,
Loa'a Hema, lilo i ka Aaia,
Haule i Kahiki, i Kapakapakaua,
Waiho at i Ulu-pa*upa'u.
Hema voyaged to Kahiki to fetch the red coronet,
Hema secured it, but he was caught by the Aaia,
He fell in Kahiki, in Kapakapakaua,
His body was deposited at Ulu-pa*upa'u.
The descendants of this old-time navigator Hema reigned over Hawaii
and Maui, those of Puna over Oahu and Maui.
326
(3) Sect. 5. Kaha'i also was a great navigator. If we can believe
the legend he voyaged in search of his father, perhaps to avenge him. In
Samoa, in the heroic period.
O ke anuenue ke ala Kaha'i;
Pit Kaha'i, koi Kaha'i,
He Kaha'i i ke koi-ula a Kane;
Hihia i na maka Alihi.
S A*e Kaha'i i ke anaha,
He anaha ke kanaka, ka waa;
Iluna o Hana-ia-kamalama,
/ O ke ala ia i imi ai i ka makua o Kaha'i.
O hele a i ka moana wehiwehi,
10 A haalulu i Hale-kumu-ka-lani,
Ui mai kini o ke akua,
Ninau o Kane, Kanaloa,
Heaha kau huaka'i nui
i E Kaha'i, i hiki mai aif
15 / imi mai au i ka He ma.
Aia i Kahiki, aia i Ulupaupau,
Aia i ka aaia, haha mau ia e Kane,
Loaa aku i kukula o Kahiki.
The rainbow was the path of Kaha'i,
Kaha'i climbed, Kaha'i strove,
He was girded with the mystic enchantment of Kane,
He was fascinated by the eyes of Alihi.
5 Kaha'i mounted on the flashing rays of light.
Flashing on men and canoes.
Above was Hana-ia-kamalama '•
That was the road by which Kaha'i sought his father.
Pass over the dark-blue ocean,
10 And shake the foundation of heaven.
The multitude of the gods keep asking,
Kane and Kanaloa inquire.
What is your large travelling party seeking,
Kaha'i, that you have come hither?
15 I come looking for Hema.
Over yonder in Kahiki, over yonder in Ulupa'upa'u,
Yonder by the Aaia constantly fondled by Kane,
1 have travelled to the pillars of Tahiti.
(4) Sect. 7. He is generally spoken of as "Laka, of Kipahulu, the
son of Wahieloa." There is a very interesting legend about him relating
to fhe building of a canoe, in which he sailed to discover the bones of his
father.
(5) Sect. 7. The names of Aikanaka, Puna, Hema, Kaha*i Wahieloa,
Laka and Luanuu are celebrated in the New Zealand traditions. W. D. A.
(6) Sect. 13. There was a Maui Paumakua, with whom Malo has
evidently confounded this one of Oahu. They belonged to different lines.
327
The deeds of the Oahu king seem to have been appropriated by the bards
who in later times sang the praises of the Maui man. As claimed by
Fornander — "The Polynesian Race," Vol. 2, p. 24-27, — ^the Oahu Pau-
makua was a great traveller. His exploits are embellished by the bards
in high flown language.
O Paumakua, ka lani o Moenaimua,
O ke alii nana i hele ke Kahiki^
A Kahiki i ke kaiakea,
O mimOj momi, ka mamio,
O ka ia mailoko, ka Auakahinu,
O Auakamea ia lani.
Paumakua, the divinity of Moenaimua, ;^
The king who voyaged to Tahiti,
Tahiti in the great ocean,
He the superb, the select, the magnificent.
The fish he brought away with him were Auakahinu
And Auakamea, the high born.
These captives (fish, i-a) whom Paumakua brought with him were
said to have been white men and priests. They are described as ka haole
nui, maka alohilohi, ke a aholehole, maka aa, ka puaa keokeo nui, maka
ulaula, foreigners of large stature, fat cheeks, bright* eyes, ruddy and
stout. The introduction of circumcision is by some ascribed to Pauma-
kua.
(7) Sect. 14. He was the son of the Maui Paumakua, and is distin-
guished as the founder of the A ha- Alii, College or Assembly of Chiefs,
admission to which was very strictly guarded, and was granted only to
those who could prove their royal ancestry.
CHAPTER LXTII.
KALAPANA.
1. We have the following scanty traditional information re-
garding Kalapana. The messengers above mentioned returned
from their vi'sit to Kanipahu ; they reported to Paao, the com-
mands of Kanipahu.
2. And when Paao had received the message he went in
<?earch of Kalapana, On his arrival at Waimanu valley, Paao
328
inquired of Alaikauakoko, '^Whereabouts in Waimanu lives the
son of Kanipahu?"
3. Alaikauakoko, however, kept Kalapana in hiding, and
would not reveal where he was, fearing that search was being
made for him to kill him, and she replied to Paao, "Kanip>ahu
has no son here." "He has a son," said Paao, "where is Alai-
kauakoko?" "I am Alaikauakoko," said the woman. Then Paao
explained, "Kanipahu has advised me that his son, Kalapana, is
here with you."
4. Thereupon Alaikauakoko yielded and presented Kalapana
to Paao.
5. Then Paao toolc Kalapana away with him into Kohala, and
there they hved secretly together, and they and the people sought
for an opportunity to put Kamaiole to death.
6. By and by, when Kamaiole was about to voyage by canoe
to Kona, they thought they saw their opportunity to kill him
while he was boarding his canoe. The nature of this opportunity
will be evident from the fact that it was a principle of royal eti-
quette in ancient times that the canoes bearing the royal party
should tarry until the canoes of the people had started out to sea
before the king's canoes left the beach.
7. So the people and Kalapana secretly waited the king's
movements. Arriving at Anaehoomalu, in Kekaha, Kona, they
spent the night, and at day-break the next day all the canoes
started off, leaving those of Kamaiole behind.
8. Thereupon Kalapana and his people set upon Kamaiole and
put him to death, and the government passed to Kalapana. Ka-
lapana was nicknamed kuu ioio moa, after the expression used by
his father, Kanipahu. No further tradition has been preserved
in regard to Kamaiole (sic).
CHAPTER LXIV.
KALAUNUIOHUA.
I. It is said that in the reign oi Kalaunuiohua there lived a
prophetess, or kaula, of great power named Waahia.
329
2. Kalaunuiohua had frequently sought to put her to death,
but without success. She had been thrown into the sea, beaten
with rods, rolled down steep declivities, but still she survived,
and the king's patience had become exhausted because she would
not die.
3. Then this prophetess said to Kalaunuiohua, "Do you really
wish me to die?'' "Yes, that is my wish," said the king.
4. "I shall not die if you attempt to put me to death at any
other place save one," said the woman. "If you are in earnest in
your wish to kill me, thrust me into the heiau and burn me up
witii the temple, then I shall die,'" The heiau she meant was
at Keekn iii Kona.
5. "On the day you set fire to the heiau to destroy me you
must stay quietly in the house from morning till night and by no
means go out of doors. If the people make an outcry at some
portent in the heavens you must not go out to look at it.
6. "Nor must you open the doors of the house in order to
observe the heavenly phenomenon. If you do so you will die.
You must wait patiently all day in the house, and only when night
comes may you go out of doors. In this way will you and your
kingdom be saved from destruction. But if you do not obey
my injunctions, disaster will fall upon you and 3'^onr kingdom.
7. "My god Kane-ope-nui-o-alakai will afflict you and your
kingdom because of your disobedience to his wishes ( e like me
ke akua). He has granted your desire. I die by your hand."
Thus ended her speech.
8. Then Kalaunuiohua had the woman burnt with fire, and
the smoke of the burning heiau went up to heaven and took the
shape of two gamecocks that fought together in the heavens.
9. When the people saw this portent they raised a great shout,
and Kalaunuiohua asked, "What means this great uproar?" The
answer was "It is a cloud in the heavens that resembles two
•cocks fighting." "I will look at it," said Kalaunuiohua.
10. "The prophetess strenuously conmianded you not to look
lest you die," said his men, and the king yielded. Then that
appearance passed away and another portent made its appearance.
330
11. The same smoke-cloud assumed the shape of a pig which
moved about from one place to another in the heavens. Again
the people raised a great shout, and again Kalaunuiohua declared
his wish to lode ; but his people entreated him not to look out un-
til the thing had disappeared from the heavens.
12. After this the clouds took on a singular appearance^
some were white, some glistening, some green, yellow, red, black,
blue-black, black and glistening, and the sky sparkled and flashed
with light. Again the people raised a shout and again Kalaunui-
ohua wished to look, but his men restrained him.
13. When it came evening and the sun was about to set twO'
clouds resembling mud-hens flew down from the heavens, and,,
having alighted close to the end of Kalaunuiohua's house, stood
and fought with each other, at the sight of which the people
again raised a tremendous shout.
14. Kalaunuiohua had now become greatly excited and could
no longer master his impatience. He reached out his hand to
the side of the house and tearing away the thatch gazed upon
the mud-hens (alae) of cloud.
15. Then the prophetess took spiritual possession of Kalaunui-
ohua's hand. The deity that inspired was Kane-nui-akea. Ka-
launuiohua became very powerful, he had only to point with his
hand and direct war against another country and that country
would be at his mercy.
16. Kalaunuiohua pointed hither to Maui (kuhi inai^), and
began to wage war against Kamaluohua. kine of Maui, and he
defeated him and added Maui to his possession.
17. Kamaluohua was not put to death, but appointed governor
of Maui under Kalaunuiohua.
18. After that Kalaunuiohua pointed to Molokai ; and he made
war on Kahakttohua, and, having defeated him, he appointed
Kahakuohua governor of Molokai under himself.
19. The hand of Kalaunuiohua next pointed at Oahu, and
he made war on Hua-i-pou-leilei and overcame him, after which
he made that king governor of Oahu.
331
•
20. His hand pointed next towards Kauai, and he waged war
against that island, a war which was called Ka^iveleivele-mn,
21. When Kalaunuiohua sailed on his campaign against Kauai
to wage war upon Kukona, the king of that island, he was ac-
companied by Kanialuohua, Kahakuohua, and Huakapouleilei,
(kings subject to him).
22. After the arrival of Kalaunuiohua at Kauai the deity
(good luck) deserted that king's hand and took possession of
KauH'a, a man of Kauai. The hand of Kalaunuiohua lost the
magic power it once had when it pointed.
23. In the battle with Kukona, king of Kauai, Kalaunuiohua
was defeated, but his life and the lives of his allies, the Huas^
were spared.
24. Kalaunuiohua and the other Hnas lived peacefully on
Kauai with Kukona and were treated by him with all kindness.
One time when Kukona was spending the day apart from his
own people with these captive Hues about him, he was taken
with a desire for sleep. He rolled himself in his blanket and lay
down, but did not fall asleep, — he was setting a trap for them, —
and was all the time alert and watching them from beneath his
covering.
25. Kalaunuiohua and his fellow captives supposed that Ku-
kona had really gone to sleep, and they began to grumble and
find fault with Kukona and to plot against his life, at which they
of Oaliu, ATolokai, and Hawaii nodded assent, agreeing that they
should turn upon Kukona and put with to death.
26. But Kamaluohua, the king of Maui, said, "Let us do no
hurt to Kukona, because he has been kind to us. Here we are
in his hands, but he has not put us to death. Let us then treat
him kindly.''
2y, Just then Kukona rose up and said to them, "What a fine
dream I've just had while sleeping! I dreamed all of you were
muttering and plotting my death, but that one pointing to Kama-
luohua, defended me and preserved my life."
28. They all acknowledged the truth of his accusations. "Be-
cause, however, of Kamaluohua's kindness," continued Kukona,
332
^'and because of his determination that no evil should be done
to me; because he appreciated that life and the enjoyment of
peace were great blessings, I will not trouble you."
29. "Because Kamaluohua did right, I now declare all of you
free to return to your homes with the honors of war (me ka
lanakila), taking your own canoes with you. Do not think I
shall oppress you in your own lands. Your lands shall be your
own to live in as before."
30. So Ka-lau-nui-o-hua returned home to Hawaii, Huaipou-
leilei to Oahu, Kahakuohua to Molokai, Kamaluohua to Maui;
and they lived peacefully in their own homes. This peace was
called ka la'i loa ia Kamaluohua, the long peace of Kamaluohua.
31. Kamehameha P had this affair of Kukona's in mind when
he allowed Kaumualii to live at the time he met him in Honolulu,
Oahu.
32. There is a lack of traditional knowledge of Kuaiwa and
of Kahoukapu ; but of Kau-hola-nui-mahu tradition gives us some
information.
NOTES TO CHAPTER LXIV.
(i) Sect. 16. It may be inferred from the use of this word mai
(hither) that David Malo himself lived on Maui at the time of writing
this.
(2) Sect. 31. This statement of David Malo is entirely contrary to the
truth. Kamehameha basely plotted to fake the life of Kaumualii by
poisoning him while at a feast given in his honor when that noble king
(Kaumualii) had come to Honolulu on an errand of peact. The life of
Kaumualii was saved only bv the interference of Isaac Davis, who warned
the king of Kauai of his danger. For this act Isaac Davis was after-
wards poisoned.
CHAPTER LXV.
KAUHOLANUIMAHU.
1. There was a king named Kahoukapu, whose wife being
barren, they had no children.
2. But being very desirous of offspring, she went to consult
with Paao, the priest, about it. "Here I am," said Paao. "What
shall I do to beget a child?" asked La'akapu.
333
3- '*You must go and fetch a fish as an offering to the deity
for yourself," said Paao. Then she went away, and having ob-
tained a fish, returned to Paao, saying, "Here is a fish for the
deity." "What sort of a fish is it ?" asked Paao.
4. "A wekel' said La'akapu. "Throw it away," said Paao,
"the deity will not eat such a kind of a fish as that. It is like a
rat. It's full of bones ; so is a rat. It has a beard ; so has a rat.
It is lean; so is a rat. Go and fetch another fish."
5. Laakapu then brought aiiother fish to the priest. "What
fish have you?" asked Paao. "It is a mo//' answered she.
"Throw it away," said he. "It is a rat, the rat Makea, It lives
in sea foam (hu'a-kai) ; the rat makes his covert in the house-
thatch {hiia-hale) ; the moi has whiskers ; so has mister rat. Bring
another fish."
6. Then Laakapu got another fish and brought it to Paao,
who asked, "What fish have you ?" "A squid." "Fling it away,"
said he ; "it is the rat Haunawelu. He lives in holes under the
ocean. Mr. Rat lives in holes in the rocks. Mr. Squid has arms
{awe) ; Mr. Rat also has a tail. Fetch another fish."
7. La'akapu then brought a ma'oma*o; but Paao again declared
it also was a rat. Laakapu, now discouraged and out of patience,
said to Paao, "Tell me what sort of a fish you want." "K pao*o;
that is no rat," said he. .
8. Then Laa'kapu brought a pao'o to the priest, and in answer
to his question as to wliat the fish was she answered, naming the
fish, and then, obedient to his demand, gave it to him.
9. Then Paao offered the fish as a sacrifice to the idol diety
with the prayer, "Grant a child unto La'akapu." And in due
season La'akapu gave birth to a child. But it was of doubtful
sex, and she named it Kau-hola-nui-mahn }
10. On the death of Kahoukapu the kingdom passed into the
hands of Kauholanuimahu. After reigning for a few years Kau-
holaiuu'mahu sailed over to Maui and made his residence at
Hontia-ula, He it was that constructed that fish-pond at Keone-
010. . .
334
11. The wife of Kauholanuimahu remained on Hawaii and
took to herself another husband ; his kingdom also revolted from
him but Kauholanuimahu returned to Hawaii and recovered it by
war.
(i) Maliu means a hermaphrodite.
CHAPTER LXVI.
LILOA.
1. Liioa, the son of Kiha, had the reputation of being very
religious, also of being well skilled in war. His reign was a
long one. I have not gained much information about the affairs
of his government.
2. Tradition reports the rumor that Liloa was addicted^ to
the practice of sodomy (moe-ai-kane) ; but it did not become
generally known during his lifetime, because he did it secretly.
3. During Liloa's reign there was much speculation as to why
he retained a certain man as a favorite. It was not apparent
what that man did to recommend himself as a favorite (puna-
liele) in the eyes of the king, and it caused great debate.
4. After the death of Liloa people put to this man the ques-
tion, "Why were you such a great favorite with Liloa?" His
answer was, ''He liana ma*i mai ia*u ma ku'u uha."
5. When pieople heard this, they tried it themselves, and in
this way the practice of sodomy became established and prevailed
down to the time of Kamehameha L Perhaps it is no longer
practiced at the present time. As to that I can't say.
6. Liloa lived most of the time at Wai-pio,^ and it was in that
valley he died. When near to death Liloa directed that the go\-
emnient of Hawaii should go to Ha-kau.^
7. As for Umi, he was unprovided for by Liloa, though during
the lifetime of the king he had been his great favorite.
335
8. The result was that Hakau acted very insultingly towards
Umi, and constantly abused and found fault with him, until
finally it came to war between them, and Plakau was killed by
Umi.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XLVI.
(i) Sect. 2. The language is such as to make it appear that' Liloa
was the first Hawaiian inventor of this form of vice, and the one through
whom it finally became popularized. As to its prevalence at the time
when Mr. Malo wrote, it is safe to say that, like such a veget'able pest
as the lantana, the introduction of a vice is more easy than its eradication,
to forget is more difficult than to remember.
(2) Sect. 6. Liloa is represented as an affable, pleasure-loving mon-
arch, of easy manners, but a strict disciplinarian. He was much given to
touring through the districts of his kingdom, by which means he acquaint-
ed himself with the needs of his people and was able to repress the ar-
bitrary encroachments of the chiefs on the rights of fhe land-holders under
their authority. In this way he gained popularity with the common
people. The romantic incident relating to the parents and birth of Umi
are related in the following chapter. In explanation of David Male's
statement that Liloa was counted a person of great piety, it may be re-
marked that in his reign the temple-service of the famous heiau of Pa-
ka'a-lana, situated in the valley of Wai-pio, was maintained with great
care and strictness. The sacred pavement, — of which Mr. Fornander
speaks — and which perhaps formed a sort of roadway between the royal
residence, called Hau-no-ka-ma'a-hala, and the heiau above mentioned,
though built long anterior to Liloa's time, became so closely associated
in mind with the glories of Liloa's reign, that it was thenceforward known
as ka Pae-pae-a-Liloa. The celebrity of Waipio as a royal residence and
the capital of the kingdom of Hawaii — the island — went into a decline at
the death of Liloa ; and the incoming of so narrow-minded and despicable
a monarch as Hakau, was the finishing stroke to its primacy among the
towns and places of the island-kingdom. There was peace on Hawaii
during the long reign of Liloa.
(3) Sect. 7. This statement conveys a wrong impression. It is true
the territory of the kingdom was not divided, but provision was made for
Umi — after a fashion — in that he was appointed the kahu of the idol, a
fact which had an important influence over his life and fortunes. There
is a certain similarity between the position occupied by Umi^ after the
death of Liloa, and that in which Kamehameha found himself after the
death of Ka-lani-opu*u. Kamehameha, like Umi, was tlie kahu of the idol
{akud) — probably in both cases the same, Ku-kaili-moku, Ku, the land-
336
grabber; but Umi was left without resources with which to maintain his
proper self-respect or to support the service of the idol, or divinity that
was entrusted to his care. But in both instances genius, ability, was able
to take care of itself.
CHAPTER LXVII.
UMI.
Uini was the son of Liloa, but not his first son. The name of
his first son was Hakau, whom he begot by Pinea, the regular
wife of Liloa. Hakau was considered a very high chief, because
Pinea was of the same ahi-rank as Liloa, owing to the fact that
Liloa's mother, Waiolea, was the elder sister of Pinea.
2. Umi was the child of Liloa by a woman whom he seduced
named Akahi-a-kiileana. She has often been spoken of as a
person of no alii blood, but the fact was that she was of the sanie
alii line as Liloa himself. Thev were both descendants of Kani-
pahu.
3. The genealogies of Akahi-a-kuleana and of Liloa from
Kanipahu are as follows: Kanipaliu first took to wife Ala-i-
kana-koko, as a result of which union was lx>rn Kalapana, the
ancestor of Liloa. Afterwards Kanipahu took to wife Hualani,
who gave birth to Ka-la-hu-moku, who was the ancestor of
Akahi-a-kuleana,
4. Kalahumoku took to wife Laamea, and begot Ikialaamea.
Ikialaamea took to wife Kalama, and begot Kamanawa-a-
akalamea.
Kamanawa-a-akalamea took to wife Kaiua, and begot Ua-
kai-ua.
Ua-kai-ua took to wife Kua-i-makani, and begot Ka-nahae-
kua-i-makani.
Ka-naliae-kua-i-makani took to wife Kapiko, and begot
Kuleana-kapiko.
337
5. Kuleana-kapiko took to wife Keniani-a-hoolei, and begot
Akahi-a-kuleana, who was wifed by Liloa, and gave
birth to Umi.
6. ' Here is the genealogy from Kalapana:
Kalapana and Makeajnalaehanae, begot Kahaimoeleaikai-
kupou.
Kahaimoeleaikaikupou and Kapoakauluhailaa, begot Ka-
launuiohua (k.).
Kalaunuiohua and Kaheka, begot Kuaiwa.
Kuaiwa and Kainuleilani, begot Kahoukapu.
Kahoukapu and Laakapu, begot Kauhola,
Kauhola took to wife Neulaokiha and Waiolea, and begot
Liloa.
Liloa took to wife Akahiakiileana, and begot Umi.
7. The story of the birth of Umi is as follows: Liloa, the
father of Umi, was at that time the king of all Hawaii and had
fixed residence in the Waipio valley ,Hamakua.
8. The incident happened while Liloa was making a journey
through Hamakua toward the borders of Hilo to attend the
consecration of the heiau of Manini. This heiau, which Liloa
had been pushing forward to completion, was situated in the
hamlet of Kohola-lele, Hamakua.
9. When the tabu had been removed he waited for a while,,
till the period of refreshment {hoomahanahanaY was over, and
then moved on to the North of that place and staid at Kaawiki-^
wiki, where he gratified his fondness for pahee and other games.
10. While staying at this place he went to bathe in a little
stream that runs through Hoea, a land adjoining Kealakaha. It
was there and then he came across Akahi-a-kuleana. She had
come to the stream and was bathing after her period of impurity
in preparation for the ceremony of purification, after which she
would rejoin her husband, that being the custom among women
at the time. Her servant was sitting on the bank of the stream:
guarding her pa-u.
338
11. When Liloa looked upon her and saw that she was a
line looking woman he conceived a passion for her, and, taking
hold of her, he said, *'lie with me." Recognizing that it was
Liloa, the king, who asked her, she consented, and they lay
together.
12. After the completion of the act, Liloa, perceiving that the
woman was flowing, asked her if it was her time of impurity,
to which she answered, "Yes, this is the continuation of it."
"You will probably have a child then," said Liloa, and she an-
swered that it was probable. Liloa then asked her whose she
was and what was her name. "I am Akahi-a-kuleana," said she,
"and Kuleanakapiko is the name of my father." "You are un-
doubtedly a relation of mine," said Liloa. "Quite likely," said
she.
14. Then Liloa instructed her regarding the child, saying,
''When our child is bom, if it is a girl do you name it from your
side of the family; but if it is a boy give to him the name Umi."
15. "By what token shall I be able to prove that the child is
yours, the king's ?"
16. Then Liloa gave into her hands his malo, his niho-palaoa,
and his club {laau palau), saying, "These are the proofs of our
child, and when he has grown up give these things to him."^
To this arrangement Akahiakuleana gladly assented, and handed
the things over to her maid, to be taken care of for the child.
17. Liloa then made for himself a substitute for a malo by
knotting together some /i-leaves, with which he girded himself.
18. On returning to the house the people saw that he had
a covering of ti-leaf, which was not his proper wa/o and they re-
inarked to each other, "What a sight ! Liloa is out of his head.
That isn't his usual style ; it's nothing but a ti-leaf makeshift for
a malo.''
19. Liloa remained at this place until the period of refresh-
ment (hoomahanahana) was over and then he went back to
AVaipio, his permanent residence.
20. A short time after this Akahi-a-kuleana found herself to
339
be with child, the child Umi. Her husband, not knowing that
Liloa was the true father of the child, supposed it to be his own,
21. When the boy was bom his mother g^ve him the name
Umi as she had been bidden to do by Liloa at the tinje of his
conception.
22. And they fed and took care of the boy until he was grown
of good size. The story is told that on one occasion, when his
foster-father, the husband of Akahi-a-kuleana, returned to the
house, after having been at work on his farm, and found that Umi
had eaten up all the food that had been prepared, he gave the
lad a beating.
23. Umi was regularly beaten this way every time it was
found that he had consumed the last of the fish and poi, or any
other kind of food. This was the way Umi's foster father treated
him at all times, because he in good faith took the boy to be his
own son.
But Umi and Akahi-a-kuleana were greatly disturbed at the
treatment he received.
24. Then Umi privily asked his mother "Have I no other
father but this one? Is he my only maknciT'^
25. "You have a father at Waipio," answered his mother, "his
name is Liloa." "Perhaps I had better go to him," said Umi.
"Yes, I think vou had better go," said his mother.
26. After that, on a certain occasion when Umi had consumed
the food and his foster father (tuakua kolcay had given him a
drubbing, Akahi-a-kuleana expostulated and said, "My husband,
it is not your own son that you are all the time beating after this
fashion."
27. Then her husband flamed into passion and sarcastically
said, "Who, pray, is the father of this child of yours? is it King
Liloa?" "Yes," said she, "Liloa is the father of my child."
28. "Where is the proof of the fact that this son to whom you,
my wife, have given birth, belongs to Liloa?" demanded he.
29. Then Akahi-a-kuleana called to her maid-servant and
ordered her to bring the things which Liloa had left for Umi.
340
30. "You see now," said she, "who is the real father of the
boy," and the man was satisfied that he could not claim the pater-
nity of the child.
31. Sometime after this explanation Akahi-a-kuleana care-
fully instructed Umi as to his going to Waipio to Liloa.
32. She girded him with Liloa's malo, hung about the boy's
neck the lei-palaoa, and put into his hands the club, after which
she carefully instructed Umi how he was to act.
33. "Go down into Waipio valley," said she, " and when you
have reached the foot of the pali swim to the other side of the
stream. You will see a house facing you ; that is the residence
of Liloa.
34. "Don't enter through the gate, but climb^ over the fence ;
nor must you enter the house in the usual way, but through the
king's private^ door. If you see an old man, and some one wav-
ing a kahili over him, that is your father, Liloa; go up to him
and sit down in his lap. When he asks who you are, tell him
your name is Umi." Umi assented to all his mother's instruc-
tions.
35. Akahi-a-kuleana ordered her brother, Omao-kamau, to
accompany Umi and to wait upon him. Omao-kamau readily
agreed to this and followed him as a servant.
36. She also directed that Omao-kamau should take charge
of the club which had been Liloa's, saying, "Keep this stick
which was Liloa's."
37. When all the arrangements had been made, Umi and
Omao-kamau started off on their journey by themselves.
38. On reaching Ke-aha-kea they came across a little boy
named Pii-mai-waa, who asked them whither they were going.
"To Waipio," they replied.
39. "I will adopt you as my boy, and you may ge along with
us to Waipio," said Umi. "Agreed," said the lad, and they pro-
ceeded in company.
40. On reaching Waipio they descended into the valley by
way of Koaekea, and coming to the foot of the pali they all swam
across the Wailoa stream.
341
41. Gaining the other side they saw before them the residence
of Liloa at a place called Hau-no ka-ma!a a-hala, with the entrance
to the house facing them.
42. On nearing the house Umi said to the others, **You two
tarry here and wait for me. I will go in to Liloa. If in my
going to him I am killed, you must return by the way we came ;
but if I come back alive to you we shall all live." With these
words Umi left them.
43. In his going Umi climbed over the fence that surrounded
the residence of Liloa and entered the house by Liloa's private
door, as his mother had bade him do when he left her.
44. When Liloa's officers (that stood guard about him) saw
that the lad had forfeited his life {laa) because he had climbed
over the fence, which was a sacred and tabu thing, they gave
chase after him to kill him. Then Umi ran up to Liloa and made
as if he would sit down in his lap; but Liloa spread his thighs
apart so that Umi sat down upon the ground.
45. As he did so Liloa saw the niho-palao on Umi's neck,
and his own malo about Umi's loins, and he asked, "What is
your name? Are you Umi?'' "Yes," answered he, "I am Umi,
vour son."
46. Then Liloa took Umi upon his lap and embraced and
kissed him and inquired of him, "Where is Akahi-a-kuleana ?"
47. "She it was," answered Umi, "who directed me to come
to you." Then Liloa showed to the people the things of his
which Umi had, saying, "This is my malo and my paiaoa — but
v/here is my club ?" "It is outside, in the hands of my compan-
ion," answered the boy.
48. Then Liloa sent for Omaokamau and Pi'i-mai-wa'a.
49. And he said to all his people, "When we went to conse-
crate the heiaii you called me a crazy one, because I wore a malo
of ^i-leaf.
50. "But here is that malo of mine, and that niho-palaoa, also
that club. I left them for this one. He is my son, Umi."
51. Then all the people saw that Umi was the son of Liloa.
The king then ordered to bring his idols that the ceremony of
oki'piko might be performed on Umi, and it was done.
342
52. When Hakau, Liloa's first son, heard the sound of the
drum, he asked what it meant, and the people answered, "It is
the drum at the oki-piko of Liloa's new-found son, Umi."
53. On hearing that Liloa had a new son, Hakau was full of
wrath, and he came to Liloa with the question, "Is this your son ?"
To this Liloa ayed assent and at the same time tried to placate
Hakau, saying, "You will be king, and he will be your man. You
will have authority over him." With words like these Liloa tried
to soften Hakau's anger towards Umi. Hakau was outwardly
appeased, but there was a hypocritical reservation within,
54. While Umi lived in the court of Liloa he gave the strict-
est obedience to his father's commands, and Liloa on his part took
the greatest care of his son, Umi. This was noticed by Hakau.
55. And the very fact intensified the hatred of Hakau to Umi,
so that he always treated him with rudeness, and thus it was so
long as Liloa lived. Hakau's anger and constant hectoring of
Umi continued through Liloa's life, aiid caused the king much
pain and sadness.
56. When Liloa drew near to death he announced it as his will
that Hakau should inherit all the land, but that the idols and the
house of the gods should be given to Umi, to be under his care.
57. After the death of Liloa, Umi submitted dutifully himself
to Hakau. Hakau, however, hated Umi cordially and treated
him with great contempt and spitefulness (hookae.)
58. Once when Umi rode upon Hakau's surf-board, Hakau
said to him, "Don't you use my surf-board. Your mother was
a common, plebeian woman of Hamakua. My board is tabu.
I am an alii/'
59. When Umi chanced on one occasion to put on a malo
belonging to Hakau, Hakau insulted and upbraided him, saying,
"Don't vou wear mv malo, I am an alii. Your mother was a
low-class wotnan of Hamakua."
60. Thus it was that Hakau insulted and actuallv offered vio-
a^
lence to Umi so that finally he made up his mind to leave the
court of Hakau secretly, his two companions, Omaokamau, and
Pi'imaiwa'a, who came with him from Hamakua, keeping him
company in his flight.
343
1. The road they followed in their departure was the same
^ that they took in their coming.
-_, After climbmg Koae-kea and reaching Kukui-haele they
^^Xmd ia boy reamed Koi, and Umi having adopted him as his own,
^^^, he travelled along with them.
63. On reaching Kealakaha, which was Umi's birth-place, they
^^id not put up with his mother. Their inclination was rather to
^Vv/aiider still farther.
64. For that reason they travelled on in a northerly direction,
^uid reaching the western bounds of Hilo, they entered a land
called Wai-puna-lei.
65. It being now near the close of day they selected a place
to camp down and spend the night; but at day-break they re-
sumed their journey, for Umi had conceived the idea of living
a vagabond life in some unknown and out-of-the-way place, be-
cause he was ashamed at having been so insulted by Hakau.
66. When it came bed-time the young women of the place
saw that they were clean and wholesome-looking youths, and
they chose them for husbands, and they spent tlie night with
them, (a hoao ac lokoii.)
67. There was a young woman to each of them, but l^mi was
' such a handsome fellow that he had two.
68. While they stayed at this place they (the young men)
agreed among themselves, after consulting together, that Umi*s
name should be kept secret: and on talking it over with each
other again, they still further agreed that Umi should do no
work. Umi accordingly performed no labor.
69. After they had been there awhile ri*i-mai-wa*a, Koi and
Omao-kamau went out to work in the farms of their fathers-in-
law : but Umi did not go.®
70. When the young meti came home at night from their farm-
ing, their fathers-in-law were delighted with their vigor as farm-
ers.
71. But Umi's father-in-law was greatly disappointed that
Umi did not ^yo^k to help support his wife.
72. On one occasion they went down to the ocean at Lau-pa-
hoe-hoe, and engaged in surf-bathing (kaha-nalu), in which Umi
w^as of superior skill ; and Umi raced with one Paiea,
344
73- And as they were coursing, Paiea rudely crowded over
onto Umi, so that his board came violently in collision with Umi's
shoulder and hurt him severely. This was the fault, on account
of which Umi afterwards put Paiea to death, he having then suc-
ceeded to the government of the island.
74. When it came to the season for aku, Pi'i-mai-wa'a, Omao-
kamau and Koi went a-trolling for aku along with the men of
the place.
75. Their fathers-in-law were delighted, when they got the
fish, but the fathers-in-law of Umi were very much put out be-
cause he did not go for aku with the fishermen of the region.
76. Umi's fathers-in-law said to Umi's wives, "If this fat hus-
band of yours were only a fisherman now, we would have some
aku to eat, but as it is, you are wasting yourselves on this man."
yy. On one occasion when the fishermen saw that Umi was
a strong fellow they invited him to go a^7^-fishing with them, and
he consented. They did not know that he was an alii, though the
disappearance of Umi had become notorious : nor did they know
that his name was Umi.
78. While they were fishing, Umi noticed that when a fisher-
man took in a fish he passed it between his legs (poho-lah) in
putting it into the canoe, and when it came to the division of the
fish, he would not use as food for himself such as had been
treated in this way.^
79. But he exchanged the fish thus obtained for those of an-
other fisherman, whose fish had been passed over the fisherman's
shoulder, saying to him, "Give me your small fish, and take in
exchange these large fish as yours;" to which the other readily
agreed.
80. Umi would not eat of these fish, but took them as an
oflfering to his god Kaili, which he kept in a secret place near
the residence of Ho-kuli.
81. When Kalei-o-ku, the prophet, noticed that as often as
Umi went a-fishing, which was very frequently, a rainbow^ apn
peared over the patch of calm water in the ocean that surrounded
him (malau), and he said to himself, "Perhaps this is Umi," —
for he had heard of Umi's disappearance.
34S
'82. Accordingly Kalei-oku came down to where Umi was
living, bringing with him a pig, as an offering. And when he
arrived at Umi's place of residence he found him living in a
lordlv fashion, and he said to himself, **This man is an alii/'
83. He immediately offered the pig, at the same time repeat-
ing this prayer, **Here is a pig, o God, a pig for the purpose of
♦detecting an alHy Then Kalei-o-ku released the pig, and it went
and stood before^ ^ Umi ; after which it came back to Kalei-o-ku.
84. Kalei-o-ku then put to him the question. "Are you Umi ?"
"I am he," said Umi. "Let us go then to my place," said Kale-
ioku, and Umi consented and went with him. Thereupon his
iathers-in-law and all the people of the neighborhood said, "So
then this man is an alii, and his name is Umi, the son of Liloa.
He is that one of whom we heard some time ago that he was
lost."
85. Then Umi and his wives, and Pi'i-mai-wa'a, Omao-ka-
mau, and Koi, and their wives accompanied Ka-lei-o-ku to his
residence.
THE END.
NOTES TO CHAPTER LXVII.
(i) Sect. 9. Hoo-mahana-hana, lit'erally to warm, to cause to be
-warm. In this connection it probably refers to that relaxation from the
rigors of temple-worship spoken of in connection with the lua-kini. See
•note 2, Sect. 5. Chap. XXXVII. It is probable that Liloa had been en-
gaged in the pious work of consecrating some newly built temple.
(2) Sect. 16. From the point of view of the time, the conduct of
Liloa in this whole affair was not only non-reprehensible, but! was at the
same time marked with a fine sense of honor. The criving of the pledges
into the hands of AkaW-a-kuleana, so far as they go, give color to this
view.
(3) Sect. 24. The term makua was applied to an uncle as well as to
one's own father. It was a common thing for children to roam from one
makua to another for the most trivial reasons. This was a vice, a weak
point in the Polynesian social system.
(4) Sect. 26. Makua-kolea. A very significant phrase, literally a
plover-father. Apropos of the uncertainty of the parentage on the male
side the Hawaiians have the saying, *^Maopopo, ka makuahine, maopopo
ole ka makuakane" one can be sure of the mother, but not of the father.
(5) Sect. 34. This daring act was intended as a rightful assertion of
high alii rank. In Maori story, says S. Percy Smith, when a child goes
346
to visit a heretofore unseen parent he does not enter by the main gate-
way, but over the fence of the pa.
(6) Sect. 66. A ho-ao ae lakoti. The study of the word ho-ao sheds
a flood of light upon tlie manners and customs of the ancient Hawaiians.
To remain with a woman until morning, broad daylight, was equivalent
to declaring her one's wife. Apropos of this subject see note 7, Chap.
XLI, on the game ume. In the Wakea sun-myth Wakea's relation to
Hoohoku-ka-lani was regarded as one of marriage onl^ when he had re-
mained with her until day-light. (See Chap. XLIII, Notes.)
(7) Sect. 69. "But Umi did not go." Polynesians were not behind
some other races in that sort of devotion to aristocracy which thought it
belittling to noble blood to soil the hands with labor. Umi did not, how-
ever, consistently live up to this notion. Kamehameha also broke away
from tnis tradition, and set an example to husbandmen by farming it
with his own hands.
(8) Sect. 78. It was a race-trait! of the Polynesians — ^and still is — to
have unaccountable squeamish notions as to food, not merely superstitious
ceremonialisms, but personal, finicky disgust's. In this case, however, it
would seem as if it was something more than a personal whimsy, perhaps
a delicate scruple as to the respect due his god, Kaili.
(9) Sect. 81. The rain-bow was looked upon as one of the signs of
royalty; so also was a thunder-storm, a heavy surf, or any unusual mete-
orological disturbance. In this attempt to weave into the story of Umi,
a purely historical character, these omens and portents, we can, if I mis-
take not, detect a myth-making effort in its early stage, 'ine attempt* in
this case is so well within the historic period, so close to modern times,
as to spoil the effect by raising the suspicion of self-consciousness.
(10) Sect. 83. The pig had the reputation of being a capital detective
of royaltyj During the reign of Ka-la-kaua the "Board of Genealogy,"
of historic fame, employed the detective power of this animai to search
out and reveal the hiding place, and establish the identity, of the long lost
bones of the great Kamehameha. The effort was claimed to have been
successful.
UNITED CTir.'"': T^^ArD FOH
fORLD mi:;:. - .■..::,: -ahy
AMBffCAN BOAHD OF COMMISSIOTOt?
FOR
f OHEIGN Missions UftftMKi
CONTENTS
CHAPTER.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
PAGE.
General Remarks on Hawaiian History 19
The Formation of the Land 21
The Origin of the Primitive Inhabitants of Hawaii-nei . . 23
Of the Generations Descended from Wakea 24
Names Given to Directions, or the Points of the Compass 28
Terms Used to Designate Space Above and Below 32^
The Natural Features of the Land 36
Concerning the Rocks 4a
The Plants and the Trees 41
The Divisions of the Ocean 48
Eating Under the Tabu-System 50
The Divisions of the Year 53
The Domestic and the Wild Animals 61
Articles of Food and of Drink in Hawaii dy
The Fishes ' 70
The Tapas, Malos, Pa-us and Mats of the Hawaiians ^z
The Stone-Ax and the New Ax 76
The Aliis and the Common People 78
Life in the Out-Districts and at the King's Residence. ... 91
Concerning Kauwa 96
Wrong Conduct and Right Conduct loi
The Valuables and Possessions of the Ancient Hawaiians 106
The Worship of Idols 112
Religious Observances Relating to Children 119
The Circumcision of Children 127
Religious Worship for the Healing of the Sick 130
Concerning Dead Bodies 131
The Ceremony of Kuni 135
Ceremonies on the Death of a King 141
The Medical Treatment of the Sick 144
Necromancy (Kilo-kilo) 150
Obsession ( Akua Noho) I55
The House — Its Furniture and Its Consecration 158
The Hawaiian Canoe 168
Religious Ceremonies Performed by the Aliis for Offspring 179
The Makahiki-Festival 186
The Luakini 210
The Civil Polity (Kalai-moku) 248
Agriculture 269
Fishing 274
Sports and Games — ^Ume 281
" — Kilu 284
" — Puhenehene 287
" — Kukini (Running Foot-Races) 288
" — Maika 289
•w
348
CHAPTER. PAGE.
XLVI. Sports and Games — Pahee 291
XLVII. " " " — Heihei-Waa (Canoe-Racing) 292
XLVIII. " " " — Hee-Nalu (Surf-Riding) 293
XLIX. " " " — Hee-Holua (Holua-Sledding) 294
L. " " " — Noa 295
LI. " " " — Pu-kaula (Juggling) 297
LII. " " " — Kea-Pua, or Pa-Pua 301
LIII. " " " — Haka-Moa (Cock Fighting) 302
LIV. " " " —The Hula 303
LV. " " " — Mokomoko (Boxing) 304
LVI. " " " — Hakoko (Wrestling) 305
LVII. Sundry Minor Sports — Panapana Honuhonu, Pahipahi,
" " " — Hookakaa, Lele-koali, Leie-kawa,
" " " — Kau-pua, Pana-iole 305
" " " — Kui-alua, Konane, Hei, Kimo,
" — Hoolele-lupe 306
LVIII. The Flood 307
LIX. Traditions of the Ancient Kings, and Genealogy 311
" " — Kahiko, Lihau-ula, Wakea, Kane-ia-kumu-
" " — honua 311
" " — Wakea, Papa, and Hoo-hoku-ka-lani 312
LX. Haloa, the Son of Wakea 320
LXI. Waia, the Son of Haloa 320
LXn. Kapawa, Hele-i-pawa, Ai-kanaka, Puna and Hema 322
Kahai 323
Wahie-loa, Laka, Lua-nuu, Pohu-kaina, Hua, Pau, Hua-
nui-i-ka-lai-lai, Pau-makua, Haho 323
Palena, Hana-laa-nui, Hana-laa-iki, Puna-imua, Lana-ka-
wai, Laau, Pili, Koa, Ole, Kuko-hou, Ka-niuhi, Kani-
pahu 324
LXni. Kalapana 327
LXIV. Ka-lau-nui-ohua 328
LXV. Kau-hola-nui-mah'u 332
LXVI. Liloa 334
LXVn. Umi 336
Tahle of Contents 347
Index 349
Title Page i
Dedication 3
Biographical Sketch of David Malo 5
Preface hy David Malo 15
Introduction by W. D. Alexander 17
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
I.
2.
3.
6.
PAGE
Frontispiece, Portrait of the Author.
Interior View of Cable of Hawaiian House 166
Tenon and mortise joining rafters, o*a, of roof to the uprights, pou,
of the side of the house, also ridgepole, in section 167
Manu. figure-head of Canoe, ordinary style 178
Lele-iwi, figure-head sometimes used for display 178
The Makahiki Idol or Akua loa 201
Marks on the face indicating a Kauwa rank lOi
INDEX
A
PAGES
Adoption of children 82
Agriculture 269-273
Aha, a sacred cord 232
Aha, a prayer 21T, 218, 224, 226, 238
Ahu-pua'a, Hi, mo'o, etc. as lesser divisions of a district' 37
Ahu-ula, as regalia and insignia 106
Ai-alo, courtiers 85
Ai-kane. an intimate (of the king) 85. 257, 265
Ai-noa, an office in the old times 53
Aku, a fish, tabu, relating to it 25. 199, 251, 275
Akua loa, Makahiki god 189
Akua maoli, a real god, a spirit 144
Akua noho 155, 156
Akua paani 190. 202
Akua poko 190, 203
Alae, mud-hen 63
Ala-mihi, or ele-mihi, a crab 7^^
Alii and common people, their physical characteristics yS, 8q
Alii, king or chief, his duties and powers 79
Alii, kuauhaii, pedigree 80. 82
Alii, lalo-lalo, a brevet title 82
Alii, kapus belonging to chiefs 83, 84
Aliis employed a priest in their worship, the people did not 112
Alalaua, or azveoweo, an omen of death 73
Altar, in the ceremony of child- weaning 120, 123
Altar, or heiau, of the fisherman, termed kn-ula 279
Ancestors worshipped as deities 113
Animals of Hawaii, domestic and wild 61-66
Animals imported from abroad 66
Apana, okana, kalana, etc. as divisions of land 37
Apteryx, the moho 62
Army, divisions of 260
Arrival of people at Hawaii from windward 27
Arrow- darting, ke'a-pua 301
Astrology and war 260
Atheists, aia' 113
Athletic contests among court followers 93, 94, 257
3SO
PAGES
Attendant's of a chief 85, 86, 265
Au-makua 31, 142, 157
Awa 69
Axes ^^
Axes, consecration of, for making the haku-ohia idol 217
Ax-makers an esteemed class ^^
Ax-quarries 78,
B
Ban of uncleanness 13^
Battle 86, 259, 260
Beggars and tramps, terms to designate them %S
Beginning of traditions, Kumu-lipo, Paliku, etc 20
Beginning of new year 199, 206
Beliefs of the ancient* Hawaiians about right and wrong 104, 105
Betrothal of young chiefs 179, 184
Betting in old times 295
•Birds of the firmament, migratory birds 65
•Birds that are ocean-divers 64
Birds trapped with nets 62, 66
Birds whose flesh is used for food 62, 64
Birds whose plumage was used in decorating the Makahiki idol 65
Birds whose plumage was used in feafher-work 63
Birth at Ku-kani-loko a thing to be prized 322, 325
Blow-holes and whirlpools 49
Bones and relics of the dead often preserved by friends 134
Bonfires of Puca lighted 195, 196, 203
Bowls and dishes for household purposes , 161
Boxing, mokomoko 304
Bringing up of a prince or princess 182
Builders of a temple must purify themselves 214, 234
Building a heiau caused famine 251, 262
Building of a new temple 199, 206, 210
Burial in lao valley an honor 325
Burial rites 132, 142
C
Calabashes of gourd 161, 162
Candles, lamps and flambeaus used at court 88, 90
Cannibalism, traces of it in cert'ain rites 199, 229, 246
Canoe-gods, male and female, invoked 169, 170
Canoes of the Hawaiians in the earliest times 26
Canoe-lashings 26, 174
Canoe, hauling of, to the ocean 170
Canoe, fashioned in the halau 170, 171
351
PAGES
Canoe-racing 89, 292
Canoe, consecration of I7i> 172, i73
Canoe, preliminary offerings in making do 168
Canoe, covering for, pa-u I74» 178
Canoe, plan and measurements for 169
Canoe,rigging improved by Kannha in reign of Keawe I73
Cathartic, koali 70
Caves, holes in the ground, hollow trees, etc., as houses 158
Ceremony and prayer at' the consecration of a house according to
Molokai rite 165
Ceremony at the weaning of a child 120
Ceremonies by the king terminating Makahiki season 199
Ceremony of cutting the navel-cord 181
Ceremony, before felling a tree for a canoe 168, 169
Ceremony of breaking the coconut dish of the king 188, 200
Ceremony before fishing 275
Ceremony of bringing down a koa free for the haku-ohia idol. .. .218, 219
Ceremony connected with the aku and opelu tabu 199, 251
Ceremony of circumcision among the high chiefs, highly elaborate. . 128
Ceremony of consecrating a canoe, lolo-wa'a 171, 172, 173
Ceremony of first fruits 272, 273
Ceremony of hanai pu, feeding Lono 194
Ceremony for healing the sick 130
Ceremony of he'e mahola 146, 148, 149
Ceremony of hoo-mahanahana 211, 230, 231
Ceremony of hoomau keiki, procuring offspring 180
Ceremony of Ka- 'Hi, in the Makahiki 196, 197, 204
Ceremony of kai-olo-a', girding the akua Makahiki 194
Ceremony of ka-papa-ulua 226, 246
Ceremony of kuni 135-138
Ceremony of kuni at a king's death 141
Ceremony of trimming fhe thatch over the door kuwa 164, 165
Ceremony of oki-piko, cutting navel string 181
Ceremony of oki-piko for the haku-ohia idol 227
Ceremony of 9-luau 195
Ceremony of pu-limu in the cure of the sick 145
Ceremony of purification for those defiled by a corpse 132, 133, 134
Ceremony of purification for fishermen 223, 276
Chief's aoparel tabu 83
Chiefs, exclusiveness of 81
Chief with a pedigree, alii papa 82
Chief with an ancestry, alii kuauhau 82
Chiefs, character of in ancient times 85
Chiefs destined to fill official positions 81
Children of aliis often given away 82
Children of kau-wa' 99
352
PAGES
Circuit of the island by the akua loa, in Makahiki 191
Circuit of the island by the king 231, 251, 257
Circumcision, a religious rite 128, 129,
Cock-fighting, hoo-haka-moa 302
Civil polity 248-269
Class called kau-wa, slaves 97-101
Clofhing made from tapa y^^ 74
Clouds as weather signs and their designations ^^
Colors used in staining tapa 74, 75, 76
Combats between patries of men for exercise 93, 96, 257
Commoners, makaainana, and hu, their condition 87
Conquests made by Ka-lau-nui-ohua 332, 333.
Contrast between manners of the count'ry people and the court folks. .91-94
Corpse-eatinc crab, ala-miJii ai-kupapa'u y^
Cordage, rope, etc 108
Corpses, their presence produced ceremonial defilement 131
Country life, comforts of, pastimes 91, 92
Country people, contrasted with fhose about court 85, 91, 92
Cowry, the Icho, deemed an article of wealth 1 10
Cultivation of the kula lands 270, 271
Cultivation of taro 270
Customs of fhe Hawaiians, their resemblance to those of the Israelites zy
Cutting of a woman's hair after the birth of the first child 183, 186-
Cutting the navel-cord of a child 181
Cutting the navel-cord of the haku-ohi'a idol 22y
Cutting the thatch over the door 164, 165.
D
Days called na Mahoe, said to be added to certain months of the year 59-
Days {po) of fhe month, the names for them significant 55
Death for infringing chiefish tabus 83.
Death penalty for various offences 250
Death of a King, ceremonies observed 141, 142
Death, the probable penalty for a chief found to have kauzva' blood. .. 100
Deep sea fishing grounds and fishing banks 278
Defilement attached t'o persons who came near a corpse 131
Deities presiding over different occupations 113
Deities worshipped by farmers 272, 273
Deities worshipped by women for a special purposes 113
Deluge, story of 307-310
Descendants of Alakanoni and K , the first real kau-wa 98
Destiny of the guilt'y soul after death 153, 154
Deification of a king after death 142, 143
Directions named from prevailing winds 29-
353
PAGES
Direction or position downwards, lalo, terminology 35
Directions, and points of the compass 29, 31
. Diseases caused by akua noho, obsident deity 156
Dishes, ipu 110, 161
Distribution of goods obtained by taxation 188, 189
Distribution of kula and wet lands on the islands 271
Distribution of lands by the king 255
Distribution of trees and plants on the belts of land 37, 3&
District's and their lesser divisions ZT
District in which a king died polluted for a tinie 141
Diversity in idol worship, multiplicity of gods 112:
Division of labor between man and wife 53:
Divination, Kilo Kilo 152, 260
Divisions of the ocean 48
Divisions of the island 37
Divisions of time, of the year 53> 54
Dogs and pigs in Hawaii before the arrival of white men 66
Dome of heaven it's supports, kukulu 28
Door and doorway of a house 160
Doorstep, the god of 1 14* 1^7
Drum, kaekeeke, of Laka 26, 28
Duennas 184
Dye-stuffs from plants 43» 44
E
Eating tabu applied to children up.
Eating time of tabu chief sacred 83:
Eating under the tabu system 50, 51, 53.
Edible sea-shells y^
Edicts of the king cont'rolled by whim 84
Education of the young chiefs 79, 80
Embalming 132
End posts of a house, pouhana, tabu 163.
Exclusiveness of the chiefs 81
F
Family lieiau, or shrine, probbaly part of the inua 51, 164
Famine-food 68
Famine likely to follow the building of a heiau 251, 262-
Fans of the Hawaiians 162
Fate of an alii ai-moku killed in battle 231
Fear and apprehension in which the common people lived 87
Featliers, objects of the greatest value 106, 107
Feeding the Makahiki god 194.
354
PAGES
•Fertilizers used in agriculture 270
Fibre-plants for cord-making 43
Firmament ka pa' a iluna, and earth ka pa' a Halo 29
First born children of chiefs held the highest rank 179
First day (or night, po) of the month, Hilo 55
First man, Kahiko 23, 312
Fishes 70-72
Fishing 274-281
Fish Baskets 277, 281
Fishing hooks, a list of fheir names 109. 277
Fishing nets 277, 279, 280
Fishing tackle, lines, nets, hooks, etc. articles of value 108
Fishermen, their gods 113, 274
Fishermen, their altars 279
Flood, story of 307- 310
Flying things that are not used as food 65
Food and drink in Hawaii 67-69
Food of child after weaning 1 19
Food of new-born child 119
Foods used in famine 68
Foods denied to women under the kapu system 52
Foods forbidden to the sick 145, 148
Foot races 288, 289
Formation of the land according to the genealogies (mo'o-kuauhau) . . 21
Game of /2o/«a-sledding 294
•Game of maika 289-291
Game oi no'a 195, 203, 295, 296
Game of pahe'c 291, 292
Games at Makahiki time 194, 195
Garret or loft of a house, alco i6j;, 165
Genealogies from Kumu-lipo, Pali-ku and Lolo 20
Genealogies treat of land-formation 21
Genealogies preservation of 80, 254
Genealogy from Wakea to Liloa 312, ^^y
Genealogy of Akahi-a-kuleana, mother of Umi 336
Genealogy of Wakea and Papa 23, 51
Generations descended from Wakea 24, 312
Geographical names given in melcs, in legends, in prayers 24
Gifts to obtain justice 84
Goddess of lactation, Kea, or Nua-kea 123
Gods of various professions 113
Gods of medicine 145, 1^7
God of the doorstep 114
355
PAGES
Gods, real, spiritual, akua viaoli, and gods with a body, akua kino. .. . 143
Gods were unseen, only their images visible 115, 117
Gods who presided over different regions 114
Gods who were worshipped by men, and by women, respectively. .113, 114
Gourd (ipu) of Lono 120
Gourd-prayer at weaning a male child 121
Government, the two powers, civil and religious 249
Grasses 44
Guardianship of young princess, after betrothal 184
H
Hainaki prayer to Lono 191, 192
Hair-cutting done with sharks' teeth 162
Hakau 258, 335, 342
Hakoko, wrestling 305
Haku-ohia idol 218, 227, 228, 239
Haku-one and Koele 39, 258
Hale nana, its organization, and proceedings 253, 254, 263
Hale pe'a, the infirmary for women 52
Hale poki, a heiau for the enshrinement of a king's skeleton 142
Haloa, a progenitor of the Hawaiian people 320
Hana-la'a-iki and Hana-la'a-nui, kings 323
Hangers-on-about-court, epithets applied to them 86, 93
Hau, the land breeze 35
Hawaiian people, origin of, related to the Tahitians 24, 25, 26
Hawaiians to be classed as tapa-makers, not as weavers 76
Hawaii-nei made by the hands of Wakea 21
He'e-nalu, surf-riding 293, 294
Heiau built by a chief aft'er recovery from sickness 147
Heiau loulu 206, 207
Heiau mao 209
Hele-i-pawa, a chief 27, 322
Hema, ancient mele about him 325
Herbs used as greens 44
Hiiaka 113, 155
High priest, his functions, hereditary 249, 250, 252
High priest, blindfolded at Makahiki 190, 196
Hiku and his bride 143
Hilo, the first night (day) of the month 55
Hi'u-wai, a sport in bathing 190, 202
Hoana, a grind-stone. A genuine Hawaiian word 78
Hog, its varieties 61
Holua-sledding 294
Hono ceremony 229
Hoo-hoku-ka-lani, daughter of Wakea 51, 314, 317, 318
356
PAGES
Hooks for fishing 109, 277
Hoo-mahana-hana service 211, 230, 231
Hoo-uluulu prayer for the crops 232
Ho'o-wili-moo service 226, 245
House, its manner of construction 159, 166, 167
House-making under the kapu system 51
House of Papa, the women's temple 214, 230, 233
Houses required to form a Hawaiian home 51, 161, 164
Houses that were common and those that were tabu 52
Hula dancing 303, 304
Hula, deity of 113
Human sacrifices at the dedication of a temple, etc. .211, 218, 223, 226, 250
Huna Kele, secret burial 134
I
Idol-gods, carried in procession 189, 221
Idol-worship, its great variety 112, 115
Ihe, javelins 257, 291
Images patterned after the imagined form of the p^ods , 115
Immoralities among the hangers-on about court 93
Imprecation in the kuni ceremony 138
Incantation in the kuni ceremony 137
Infirmary for women during monthly periods 52
Intoxicating drinks 69
Intercalary months 60
Intermarriages favored among chiefs 80
Irrigation in agriculture 270
Island, its artificial divisions ^y
Jetsam iron used for axes yy
Juggling, pu-kaula 297
Justice purchased with gifts 84
K
Kaha'i, a voyager, a incle about him 323, ^26
Kahiki-moe, Kahiki-ku, etc., zones in earth and sky 30
Kahiko, first man 23, 312, 316
Kahiko, a good king 240, 320, 321
Kahili, an emblem of royalty 107
Ka-hoa-lii, a man personating a deity 197, 199. 204, 206, 215, 220, 221
Kahoukapu and his wife Laakapu 332
Kahuna anaana. disqualified for the performance of the ceremony of
purification 13S, 139, 143
Kai and uka, terms of direction 28
357
PAGES
i-a-Ka-hinalii, or deluge 307-310
ai-olo-a, a malo for the mo-i idol 230, 247
laimoku, office and functions of 88, 253, 259, 261
^Ka-lau-nui-ohua, and the prophetess 328
Xalapana, king of Hawaii, tradition about him, how he became
king, etc 327, 328
Kalo, or taro, as a staple article of food 67
Kama, predicted a pestilence ^ 321
Kanaenae, the eulogistic preface to a prayer 144
Kana, the god of jugglery 298
Kane and Lono, the deities principally addressed in behalf of the sick 131
Kane-ia-kumu-honua, his war with Wakea 313, 314, 317
Kani-pahu, a king, traditions concerning him 324
Kapawa, bom at Ku-kani-loko, the same as Hele-i-pawa. .24, 27, 322, 325
Kapu-a-noho, a tabu belonging to the offspring of consanguineous aliis 80
Kapus possessed by aliis 83
Kapu, penalty for violation of 83, 84, 250
Kapu system, its restrictions on eating 50, 53
Kapu, applied to everything belonging to a Kapu chief 83
Kau and Hooilo, the two seasons of the year 53
Kaua-kahi-a-ka-wa'u, legend about him, apropos of idols 117, 119
Kau-hola-nui-mahu, story of his birth, etc 332, 333
Kauila ceremony 220-222
Kau-kau-alii, a chief of mixed rank 89
Kaula, a prophet 153. 154
Kau-wa', a term applied to a degraded class of people 96-100
Kau-wa, tattoo marks of loi
Kauwa, mutilation of the word in the text 100
Ke*a-pua, arrow darting 301
Kila, son of Moikeha 25
Kilu, a game 284. 285
Kings deposed by their people 258
King's residence, tabu S3
King's functions 79
Kini akua, woodland deities 114, 116
Koa, the principal wood in canoe making 42, lOS
Ko'a lawaia, sunken fishing reefs, or deep sea fishing grounds 278
Koele, a division of land 258, 271, 39
Ko'i-hala, and Koha-i-ka-lani, bad kings who were killed by their sub-
jects 258, 267
Komoawa, Wakea's priest 313, 314
Kuili service 225, 226
Ku-kani-Ioko, birth-place of Kapawa 24. 325
Kukini, running foot races 288
Kukoae, temple for purification 198, 206, 230
Kukona, his merciful action 3JI., 332
358
PAGES
Kukui nuts for torches 42, 45, 88
Kukulu, fhe supports of heaven's dome 30
Ku-lani-ha-ko'i, the source of thunder, lightning and storm 33
Kumu-lipo, an initial point of genealogy 20, 22, 23
Kuni, an incantation to reveal one guilty of anaana 134, 137
Kuni, prayers 138, 140
Kuni, priest, different from a Kahuna anaana 139
Ku ritual and Lono ritual in building a temple 210
Kuula, god of fishermen, also his altar 114, 279
Ku-wa. fhe meaning of this archaic word ^ 177
Ku-wa prayer 160, 164, 165
L
La'a came from Tahiti 26
Labors, division of, between man and wife 53
La'i-la'i, progenitor of the Hawaiian people 23
Laka, a king 323, 326
Lana-nu'u-mamao, or lana-nu'u, the oracle in a luakini. .211, 214, 231, 233
Lamps, of stone 88. 90
Land breeze, Hau 35
Land, its natural divisions 37, 38
Lashings of the canoe, a sacred matter _^ . . 174
Law lacking in ancient system of government 84
Law of vowel changes in the Polynesian languages 49
Life at' court and in the country contrasted . . . : 91-94
Lihau-ula, brother of Wakea, his fate 23, 31^:
Liloa, his story 334-342
Liloa recognizes Umi as his son .^. 341
Lolo ceremony for a canoe ,. . . . .171-173
Lolo-i-mehani, a mythical place, residence of Wakea and Papa J. .. .23, 24
Lo-lupe, god of the kahuna hut, a kite-god 141, 143
Lono 112. 192, 202, 210
Lono-ka-wai, a king of Hawaii 25, 27, 324
Lono-puha, a god of healing 148
Lono, reason for giving tliis name to Capt. Cook 190
Lono's canoe, zva'a anhau 198, 204
Lono*s gourd, ipu 120
Luakini, proverbs regarding its service 230, 251
Luakini, origin of the name 233
Luakini, plan and measurements for 213
Luakini, a war-temple 211, 212
Luakini, consecration of 210-247
Lua-nu'u, a king ..^. . 323
Luau and haha, greens from the t'aro 67
Luhau,kapawa, said to have been originator of kanu svstem 51
Lu'ukia, paramour of Moikeha 28, 174
Luna^ or iluna, terms for North 29
359
M
PAGES
Maika, game 289
Maika stones, material for making them 40-
Makaainana or common people 87, 88
Makahiki festival and period 56, 186-209-
Makahiki, feeding the god, hanai pu 194
Makahiki observance 56
Makahiki idol 189, 201
Makahiki idols, their dismantling 197
Makaula, a prophet or seer and his powers 152
Makua kolea 339, 345
Malos, varieties of, named from their manner of printing and staining 74
Man and wife ate separately under the kapu system 50, 51
Manu, the curved head piece or stern piece of a canoe 174, 178
Maoloha's net, legend of 204
Mapele hciau 211, 212^ 251
Marks tattooed on the lace of the kau-wa loi
Marriages of chiefs 80, 82, 89^ 180
Marriage with a kau-zva abhorrent 99
Mat's, materials from which they were plaited 75
Matting used as canoe-sails 75, I74
Medical treatment of the sick, a department of worship 145-147
Medicine men, their gods 113
Mele inoa, manner of its composition, recitation, etc
95, 96, 180, 184, 185, 263
Migrating birds called ''birds of the firmament" manu o ka Icwa.... 6$
Migration to Hawaii, its causes 25, 2"^
Mirrors of ancient Hawaiians 162
Moho, an apteryx 62
Moikeha, tradition of him 26
Mokonioko, or boxing 304
Monfhs and divisions* of the year 57-60'
Monthly tabu seasons observed during eight months of each year.... 56
Months of the year, their characteristics 54
Month, the number of nights (and days) it included 55, 56, ^9
Moon's phases 55
Mo'o, a reptile, a witch, or a monst'er, worshipped by female chiefs. . 114
Morality, ancient idea of 101-105
Mu, meaning of the word 135. 236
Mua, one of the houses in a domestic establishment 50,'i43» I4^
Mythical places, Lalo-waia, Ka-mawae-lua-lani, Lolo-imehani, Nuu-
mea-lani ^ 23
36o
N
PAGES
Naha rank 8i
Naming the Hawaiian Islands , 25
Natural divisions of the land 37, 38
Navel cord, cutting of 181, 182
Navigation by the stars :. 26
Necromancy I50-I53
Net of Ma-olo-ha, legend ^. . 204
Nets used in trapping birds 66
Nets for fishing 108, 227. 279
New Year, began in Kaulua 199, 206
Niau-pi'o rank *. . . . 80
Night time in a chiefs house 88
Niheu 215, 235
Niihau mats famed for beauty and delicacy 75, 76
Niho-palaoa, an ornament 107
Noa, a game 203, 295, 296
North sometimes called luna, etc 28
Northerly wind, Hoolua 35
Nuakea, goddess of lactation 123
Nu'u-meha-lani, a mythical place 24
O
Obsession, (akua noho) 155
•Obsident deity, an unihi-pili or an au-makua 155, 157
Occupations and professions that were held in honor 104, 105
Occupations of the common people 88
•Ocean, its divisions 48
•Ocean-tides 49
Offerings made at the ceremony of circumcision 127
•Offerings made before battle 260
•Offerings made for a sick person 130
'Offering of first fruits 272, 273
•Offerings to idol during child-birth 180
♦Offerings to Lono at the ceremony of weaning a child 120
•Offerings to procure pardon for sin 151
•Offerings to the gods preliminary to canoe-making 168
'Offerings to the gods at the consecration of a canoe 171
Office and functions of kalai-ntoku 88, 253, 259
Office .of ai-noa 53
Office and duties of high priest ' 249, 250
Official positions to be filled by chiefs 81
Official titles held by king's officers 86
Official titles held by the king's personal attendants 85, 86
Offspring of brother and sister 80
36 1
FAOSS
Offspring of high chief, means taken to preserve their rank 80
Oio, a procession of ghosts * 152, 154
Okole-hao, a distilled intoxicating liquor 70
Oku'ii, the pestilence in Kamehameha's time 321
Omens propitious in sickness and at other times 145
O-o, an agricultural instrument 108
O'opu-hue, a poisonous fish 73
Opelu and aku of Paao 25, 199, 275
Oppression of the country people 91, 255, 256
Origin of alii class, theory as to it 78, 79
Origin of Hawaiian Islands volcanic 22
Out-rigger of canoe 171
Oven, imu 148
Owl, pueo 62
Paao Makua-kau-mana and Pili come to Hawaii 25
Pahe'e, a game 291
Pahi, a large canoe 26
Paint for the Hawaiian canoe 42, 171, 177
Pala, a sacred fern 68, 189, 195, 200, 219
Pali, a precipice or mountain- wall, same word used in N. India 38, 39
Pandamus, hala, its uses 44
Papa and Wakea begot Hawaii nei 21
Papa and Wakea 311, 314, 315, 317, 318
Papa, the deification of earth 35, 36
Papa's house, the women's temple 214, 230, 233
Paper-cloth, kafia, its manufacture and uses 73, 74
Pau-makua, a king of Oahu 323, 327
Pa-u, varieties of 74
Pa-u, covering of a canoe 174, 179
Pele and Hiiaka worshipped 113
Pele-leu, a large canoe 179
Penalties for violation of Kapu 83, 84, 250
Period of refreshment by suspension of tabu, hoomahanahana 211, 230
Periods of separation of husband and wife under kapu 51, 211, 250
Pestilence in Waia's reign 321
Pestilence predicted by Kama in Kamehameha's reign. 321
Phases of the moon and names of the nights in a month 55
Physical characteristics of the alii and the common people 78, 89
Pig, its varieties 61
Pig, as a detective 136, 345, 346
Pili Kaaiea comes to Hawaii 25, 28, 325
Plants and trees, laau, their uses 41-47
Plover, kolea, method of catching 64
362
PAGES
Pohokano, stone lamp 88, go
Poi-making 49
Points of the compass 29
Policy of the government 79
Pololu, long spears 96. 257, 260, 267
Pork, forbidden to women 52
Pork, abstained from by chiefs during Makahiki 188, 198
Posts and timbers of a house, their names, etc 159, 166, 167
Pou-hana, end posts of a house, tabu 163
Prayer at a hoo-uluulu feast 207, 208. 209
Prayer at child-weaning 121, 122, 123
Prayer at circumcision 128, 129
Prayer at consecration of a canoe 171, 172, 173
Prayer before taking medicine 146, 147
Prayer by a priest' at ceremonial purification of the unclean 133. 134
Prayer for a full harvest 209
Prayer for plenty 207
Prayer for the cure of fhe sick 130
Prayer for the forgiveness of sin, pule kala 151, 152
Prayer for rain 209, 25 1
Prayer of purification at the dedication of a luakini 234, 235
Prayer of purification before fishing 275, 276
Prayers at the ceremony of oki-ka-piko, cutting the umbilical cord. 181. 182
Prayer termed ku-wa, at the consecration of a house 164, 165
Prayer to ancestral deities 31
Prayer to remove tabu, "To Kane and his fellow Kanaloa" 46
Prayer to Lono, to set the land free after tax-paying 191, 192
Prayer to tlie goddess of lactation, Nuakea 124
Priests, different orders of 210
Priestly office of the alii 79
Property of the alii, jetsam whale and porpoises ' 72
Prophecy of Kapihe 1 54
Prophecy of Opulu-pulu of Waianae 154
Prophecv of Kama, as to the coming of the pestilence, okmt 321
Puea, bonfires 195, 196, 203
Pu-henehene, a sport 203, 287
Pu-kaula, juggling 297
Pu-keawe, its peculiar use 41, 46
Pule ipu at weaning of a male child 121
Puna and Hema, chiefs 323, 325
Punahele and aikane 82
Pu'uku, manager of an alii's property 85
Purification from defilement by a corpse, only by a temple priest. .132, 133
Purification of a mother after child-birth 183
Purification of the King after Makahiki festival 198
Purification of an island, before temple-building. .. .214, 215. 216, 234, 235
Purification of fishermen, before setting out 275, 276
363
R
FAOE»-
Rain and rain-storms 33. 34
Rank of the aliis 8i, 82
Removal of the tabu in canoe-making 169
Removal of the Makahiki restrictions 199
Removal of male child to the mua house 119
Removal of the heir of a King from the district on the King's death. . 141
Responses by the people at ceremonies of purification 134, 276
Responses by the people at the ceremonies of dedication 222, 230, 234
Restrictions imposed by kapu as to houses and articles of food 52
Retaliation the rule in ancient times 84, 106
Right and wrong in the view of the ancient Hawaiians 104, 105, 106
Right hand and left hand circuits of the islands by the King 231
Roads and trails, their nomenclature 38
Rocks and stones, their nomenclature 40
Ropes, cordage, etc 108
Route to Tahiti 26
Runners, celebrated in tradition 289
S
Sacrifices before battle 260
Sacrifice to oropitiate deity for the sick 130
Sacrificial feast at the installation of a weaned son in the vnta 120
See also Offerings.
Sail of fhe canoe made of matting 75, 174
Salt, manufacture and use of 162
Samoan name for kukui 45
Sea-breezes in different places 35
Seasons, Kau and Hooilo, etc 53. 60
Sea-turtle, its varieties 72
Secret burial (huna kele) 134, 135
Separation of bones from the flesh of a dead body 142
Separation of the sexes during certain periods 51, 211, 250
Sepulture done at' night 132
Sepulture in secret caves for the body of a chief 135
Sham fight called Ka'lii 196, 197
Sharks' teeth employed in trimming the hair 162
Shell-fish 71
Shoals in the sea as fishing places 278
Significance of the names for the days of the month 55
Signs of clearing weather 2t2t
Silence required in fhe consecration of a canoe 173
Silence required during an aha prayer 218, 224, 238
Similarity of Hawaiian customs to those of the Israelites 27
364
PAGES
Six months tabu on opelu and on aku I99» 251, 275
Slaves, or kau-wa 96-100
Slings 257, 267
Soldiery back of the king, their classes 79» 260
Sorcerers 150, 157
Sorcery in treatment of the sick, the he'e mahola 149
Spear-woods 42, 43, 45
Sports and games indulged in about court 93, 94
Sports and games described 284 to 306
Squid-fishing 40, no, 281
Staining materials used for tapa 74, 75
Stamps for printing tapa 76
Stars as aids in navigation 26
Steam-bath used in medication 146
Stones used in ax-making 40
Stones used in making maikas 40
Stones used in making sinkers for squid-fishing 40
Store-houses 257
Sun*s course and the orbits of the heavenly bodies 32
Supplementary days given to certain months to fill out the year,
according to some 59
Surf-riding, he'e-nalu 293
Sweet potato, a staple food 67
T
Tabu periods, four in each month 56, 58, 200
Tabus relating to dead bodies 131, 132, 142
Tabus on certain houses 51
Tabus that hedeed a chief 83, 84
Tabu-system said to have been founded by Wakea 51, 319
Tahitians of the same race as the Hawaiians 26
Tahiti in mcle, etc 24, 25, 26
Tapa, bark cloth * 73, 74
Taro, its cultivation 269, 270
Taro, legend of its origin 320
Taxes collected at the Makahiki period 188, 191, 193, 199
Tenon and mortise used in house-joining 159
Thatching a house, materials used 160, 163
Tides of the ocean 49
Ti root, an article of famine-food 68
Titles held by the king's officials 85, 86
Titles of chiefs of different rank 81, 82
Torches of kukui nuts 42, 44, 88
Tour about the islands made by the king to put up temples 231, 251
365
PAGES.
Training of soldiers 257
Treatment of the sick 145-14/
Trees and plants, their distribution on the various belts of land yjy 3^
U
Ualo malie, another name for the Hale-naua 254.
Uka and kai, terms of direction 28
Uli, a deity 113, 139, 140
Ulu genealogy and Lono-ka-wai 27
Ululani, tradition about him 47
Umi, story of 336-346
Unihipili 155, 157, 158.
Unions, matrimonial, various names of 80, 81
V
Valuables and possessions of the ancient Hawaiians 106, iii
Vegetables introduced from foreign countries 69'
Vermin and wild creeping things 6s
Volcanic origin of the Hawaiian Islands . . . ; 22^
Vowel-changes in Polynesian languages, law of 49
Voyage of Paao, Pili and Makua-kaumana to Hawaii 25
Voyage of Moikeha 26
Voyage of Hema 325
Voyage of Kaha'i 326
Voyage of Paumukua 327^
W
Wahie-loa, a king 323, 326
Waia, son of Haloa, a bad king 320, 321
Waiea, temple 197, 204"
Wakea, meaning of the myth 317
Wakea and Hoo-hoku-ka-lani, myth of 314, 317, 318
Wakea, the generations descended from him 24
Wakea made the land with his own hands 21
Walls of heaven, kukulu o ka lani 30
Wao, wilderness, different' kinds 37, 3^
War, science of, and strategy 259, 260
War montlis 206
Water and turmeric used in purification 132
Wauke, mamakc and other materials used in tapa-making 43, 73
W^eather-signs of the clouds 33
Weli, or welina, old form of greeting 193, 202
Whales and porpoises, when cast ashore, the property of the alii.... 72
Whirlpools and spouting-holes 49
Wife separated from husband during certain tabu periods 51, 211, 250
366
PAGES
Wild birds of Hawaii, and methods of catching them 62
Wilderness of different kinds, wao, wao-akua, etc 37, 38
Wili-wili, a wood 43, 293
Winds and their varieties 34, 35
Woodland deities, Kini akua, etc. worshipped 114, 116
Women resume fish-eating, after Makahiki-tabu 196
Women forbidden to eat certain foods by kapu 52
Women, the mat-makers and tapa-makers 74, 75
Woods and their uses 40-44
Woods, the kinds used in spear-making 42, 43, 45
Worship of idols regarded as a virtue 105
Worship paid to sharks and to other objects terrestrial and celestial. . 113
Wrestling, hakoko 305
Wrong conduct and right conduct 104, 105
Y
Year, beginning of 60, 199, 206
Year, division into seasons 53, 60
Year, the number of days it included 54
Young chiefs, their education and discipline 79, 80
Z
Zenith, ka hooku'i, and the horizon, ka halaivai 28
MizMl
DEC17j ai>
^
3 2044 023 429 756
MALC, Davida
^vaiian antiquities
H52.12
1903